ایوب آروین
بیبیسی
به روز شده: 16:51 گرينويچ - 18 مارس 2012 - 28 اسفند
به نوشته آقای مولایی، کاتب متعهد بود که "غیر حق ننویسد"
با چاپ جلد چهارم و بخشی از جلد سوم کتاب سراجالتواریخ، اطلاعات تازهای در باره امارت حبیبالله خان و زندگی فیضمحمد کاتب، نویسنده این کتاب به دست آمده است.
این بخش از سراجالتواریخ بر اساس نسخه قلمی آن اخیرا با ویرایش و مقدمه محمدسرور مولایی، استاد دانشگاه و پژوهشگر از سوی انتشارات امیری در کابل منتشر شده است.
جلدهای اول و دوم آن در سال ۱۳۳۱ و جلد سوم آن در سال ۱۳۳۳ هجری قمری در چاپخانه سلطنتی چاپ شد، اما تغییر نظر امیر حبیبالله خان در مورد این کتاب و تحولات دوره امانالله خان باعث شد که بقیه این کتاب منتشر نشود.
آقای مولایی این بخش از سراجالتواریخ را در چهار مجلد چاپ کرده است. بخش اول آن را که تحولات دوره امارت عبدالرحمان را دربردارد، با عنوان "تتمه جلد سوم" و سه جلد دیگر آن را، که به شرح دوره سلطنت امیر حبیبالله اختصاص یافته، به عنوان بخشهای اول، دوم و سوم جلد چهارم این کتاب منتشر کرده است.
تکاندهنده
این کتاب شامل شرح تکان دهنده ترین رویدادهای تاریخ معاصر افغانستان است. قتل عام، کوچ اجباری، فروش اسیران به عنوان برده و شکنجه انسانها از رویدادهای دوره امارت عبدالرحمان است که شرح آنها در جلد سوم سراجالتواریخ آمده و بخش اعظم آن در زمان سلطنت پسر او چاپ شده است.
زیرکی در تاریخنویسی
"اهمیت کار کاتب در این است که او دورۀ حساسی از تاریخ افغانستان را با تفصیل کمنظیری بیان کرده و زیرکی او در تاریخنویسی از آن جا مشخص میشود که به امضاهای امیر در پای صفحات نسخه قلمی سراجالتواریخ به نشانۀ تایید مطالب آن نگاه کنیم. به نوشته آقای مولایی، کاتب متعهد بود که "غیر حق ننویسد و از سوی دیگر میدید که بر مردم چهها که نرفته بود و انواع خلاف شرع، عرف و قانون از جانب امیر و درباریان او سر میزد"."
جلد چهارم سراجالتواریخ حاکی است که هر چند حبیبالله خان به قصد قتل عام لشکرکشی نکرده، اما در موارد بسیاری دست کمی از پدر نداشته است. کاتب در این کتاب گزارش مفصلی از تحولات دوره امارت حبیبالله ارائه کرده و نوع نگاه امیر به مردم، ارتباطش با انگلیسها، شیوه حکومتداری و سرگرمیهای او، وضعیت اقتصادی و زندانها و شیوه شکنجه زندانیان در این دوره را شرح داده است.
حبیب الله خان در مورد قتل عامهای دورۀ امارت پدرش سکوت کرد و به اشغال زمینهای مردم به دست کسانی که در این کتاب از قول امیر "مهاجرین" و "ناقلین" خوانده شده، جنبه قانونی داد و اعلام کرد که دیگر این زمینها به صاحبان اولی آنها "مسترد فرموده نمیشود" (جلد ۴/بخش ۳/ص ۱ و ۱۱).
به نوشتۀ کاتب، در «عیش و عشرت» هیچ سلطانی در تاریخ معاصر افغانستان به پایه این امیر نمیرسیده است. در جلد چهارم سراجالتواریخ از دخترانی که به سراپرده و حرم امیر راه یافتند تا دیدار او با دختران و زنان در "ارم باغ" و همچنین تقدیم پسران به عنوان "غلام بچه" به امیر از جانب سران قبایل سخن رفته است.
به نوشته آقای مولایی در مقدمه سراجالتواریخ، کاتب به نوشتن جلد پنجم این کتاب هم پرداخته بوده و این بخش کتاب شامل تحولات دوره سلطنت شاه امانالله بوده است. کاتب ظاهراً تحولات یک سال اول سلطنت او را نوشته بوده، اما آنگونه کاتب خود در جلد چهارم نوشته، این کار به دستور شاه متوقف شد. (۴/۱/۲۳۰).
اهمیت کار کاتب
اهمیت کار کاتب در آن است که او دورۀ حساسی از تاریخ افغانستان را با تفصیل کمنظیری بیان کرده و زیرکی او در تاریخنویسی از آن جا مشخص میشود که به امضاهای امیر در پای صفحات نسخه قلمی سراجالتواریخ به نشانۀ تایید مطالب آن نگاه کنیم. به نوشته آقای مولایی، کاتب متعهد بود که "غیر حق ننویسد و از سوی دیگر میدید که بر مردم چهها که نرفته بود و انواع خلاف شرع، عرف و قانون از جانب امیر و درباریان او سر میزد".
علاوه بر شخص حبیبالله خان، که تصمیم نهایی در مورد صحت نوشتههای کاتب با او بود، گروهی از نخبگان دربار به صورت مستقیم و غیرمستقیم بر نگارش سراجالتواریخ نظارت داشتهاند و از آن جمله میرزا عبداللطیف خان دبیر خاص امیر و مولوی عبدالرووف خان، از دبیران برجسته دربار از جانب امیر مامور بررسی واژهواژه این کتاب بودند (۴/۳/۵۰۴).
تصمیم نهایی در مورد تایید درستی یا نادرستی مطالب سراجالتواریخ با شخص امیر حبیبالله خان بود
علاوه بر آنها، امیر گاهی افراد دیگری را هم مامور بررسی این کتاب میکرد و از جمله یک بار در ۱۳۲۵ قمری به سعدالدین خان، قاضیالقضات و چند تن دیگر دستور داد که "صحت و سقم" آن را بررسی کنند. آنها ایرادهایی بر کتاب وارد کردند، اما امیر ایرادهای آنها را نادرست خواند (۴/۳/۲۶۱ و ۵۰۴).
یکی از سرشناسترین افرادی که مامور بررسی کتاب کاتب شد، محمود طرزی بود که مدیریت نشریۀ معروف سراجالاخبار و در زمان امانالله خان وزارت خارجه را به عهده داشت. کاتب خود نوشته که طرزی جلدهای اول و دوم سراجالتواریخ را یک سال با خود نگهداشت و بعد آن را در ۱۳۳۱ قمری با انتقادها و ایرادهایی به امیر ارائه کرد.
امیر به کاتب دستور داد که به ایرادهای طرزی در حضور او پاسخ دهد. به نوشته کاتب، "از تقریری که به عزّ عرض رسید، او (طرزی) از جواب عاجز آمده، ساکت ایستاد. بعد رجوع پاکنویس آن به خود محرر شده، جای شایسته با طعام و چای از خوان حضور معین گردیده به کار پرداخته آمد" (۴/۳/۵۰۴).
فیض محمد کاتب به عنوان تاریخنویس رسمی دربار امیر حبیبالله خان سالها در طبقۀ زیرین قصر دلگشا به کار نوشتن سراجالتواریخ اشتغال داشت و به انبوهی از اسناد دست اول دولتی دسترسی داشت و علاوه برآن، با افراد بسیاری به عنوان تاریخ زنده آن زمان همخوان و همکلام بود.
تتمۀ جلد سوم و جلد چهارم سراجالتواریخ به مناسبت برگزیده شدن شهر غزنی به عنوان پایتخت فرهنگی جهان اسلام در سال ۲۰۱۳ میلادی منتشر شده و سید مخدوم رهین، وزیر اطلاعات و فرهنگ افغانستان در پیشگفتار کتاب، چاپ آن را "تحفه دلپذیری" برای علاقمندان تاریخ افغانستان دانسته است.
ویرایش سراجالتواریخ
اینکه این کتاب با ویرایش محمدسرور مولایی منتشر شده، برای بسیاری از پژوهشگران از این جهت مایه اطمینان خاطر است که این کتاب با امانت و دستنخورده منتشر شده باشد. آقای مولایی دقت بسیاری در ویرایش سراجالتواریخ به خرج داده و مقدمه دوصد صفحهای در شرح چگونگی نگارش آن و زندگی پرفراز و نشیب کاتب نوشته است.
محمود طرزی
"امیر به کاتب دستور داد که به ایرادهای طرزی در حضور او پاسخ دهد. به نوشته کاتب، "از تقریری که به عزّ عرض رسید، او (طرزی) از جواب عاجز آمده، ساکت بایستاد. بعد رجوع پاکنویس آن به خود محرر شده، جای شایسته با طعام و چای از خوان حضور معین گردیده به کار پرداخته آمد"
کاتب سراجالتواریخ را چند بار بازنویسی کرده و هر بار اصلاحاتی از جانب خودش یا امیر و دبیران او بر آن وارد شده است. ظاهراً این کتاب بر اساس همان نسخه نهایی آن بدون در نظر گرفتن سانسور آن چاپ شده است ـ هر چند در متن اشاره نشده که کدام بخشهای آن از جانب دبیران و امیر سانسور شده بوده است.
نسخه قلمی کتاب که در آرشیو ملی نگهداری می شود، نشان میدهد که امیر و افراد او در موارد متعددی بر بخشهایی از جلد چهارم سراجالتواریخ خط کشیده و در موارد دیگر علامتهایی در حاشیه صفحههای آن رسم کردهاند و این بیانگر آن است که چاپ این قسمتها یا برای آنها اصولاً قابل قبول نبوده یا نیاز به توضیح و استدلال داشته است.
آقای مولایی در مورد شیوۀ کار خود هم توضیح زیادی نداده و در متن کتاب هم اثر آشکاری از ویرایش آن به رسم تصحیح متون کلاسیک دیده نمیشود. او در مواردی که نیاز به افزودن واژه یا عبارتی بوده، آنها را در بین کمانکها [] قرار داده و ظاهرا تصور میشود که ویراستار تنها همین کار را انجام داده، در حالی که گستردگی کار او بسیار بیشتر از این بوده است.
همان گونه که در مقدمه کتاب هم اشاره شده، تلاشهای زیادی در زمینه حروفچینی سراجالتواریخ به خرج داده شده است. این بیانگر آن است که در حروفچینی این کتاب احتمالا رسم الخط مورد نظر آقای مولایی به شیوه امروزی اعمال شده است. علاوه بر آن، متن کنونی دارای نشانهگذاری نیز است که متن نسخه قلمی فاقد آن بوده است.
ولی با وجود این، هماهنگی لازم در رسمالخط کتاب رعایت نشده است. به عنوان مثال، نام "اچک زایی" (۱/۴۴۶) هشت سطر پائینتر به صورت "اچکزایی" نوشته شده است. یا "آبریزه" (۴/۳/۸۰) پنج سطر پایینتر: "آب ریزه". همچنین: "دهمرده" (۴/۳/۱۰۲) یک صفحه بعد به صورت "ده مرده" آمده است.
اشتباههای تایپی نیز در موارد زیادی دیده میشود. به طور مثال: "وش فیع" (و شفیع) (۴/۳/۸۵)، جانب دارای (جانبداری) (۴/۲/۱۹۹)، "و افرالسرور" (وافرالسرور) (۴/۳/۴۷۳)، "علام" (اعلام) (۴/۳/۱۰۵)، "قرار داد" (قرارداد) (۴/۳/۱۰۷)، "دراین" (در این) (۴/۳/۹۰)، "درترتیب" (در ترتیب) (۴/۳/۹۱)، "واکثر" (و اکثر)، "ازاین" (از این) (۴/۳/۱۰۲).
هر چند دوره چهارجلدی سراجالتواریخ در دست هست، اما تا حال به صورت یکدست منتشر نشده است
همچنین در مواردی برخی از شیوههای دستوری و املایی کتاب نیاز به توضیح داشته که ویراستار آنها را بدون توضیح گذاشته است. به عنوان مثال: نویسنده در این جمله «از» را به شیوه لهجۀ فارسی هزارگی آورده، در حالی که بر اساس دستور معیاری در این جمله بیمعنی است: "خانۀ از خود و بیگانه را میزند" (۴/۳/۸۳ ).
یا در این جمله واژه انگلیسی پاسپورت براساس تلفظ محلی به صورت «پاسپرد» نوشته شده است: "سکنۀ خارج از خاک این دولت که پاسپرد نداشته باشند، و مترددینی که گمان دزد بر ایشان کنند، خواه از مردم داخل و خواه خارج بودند، دارای پاسپرد نباشند، گرفتار و نزد او احضار نمایند" (۴/۳/۸۴).
در چنین حالتها خوانندۀ امروزی یا منظور نویسنده را به درستی درک نمیکند یا آن را به حساب سهلانگاری نویسنده و ویراستار میگذارد.
همان طوری که ویراستار هم کتاب در مقدمه نوشته، وجود شرح واژگان دشوار و همچنین فهرست نمایه در این گونه کتابها از ضروریات است، ولی احتمالا به دلیل عجلهای که در کار چاپ کتاب وجود داشته، فرصت تهیه واژهنامه و نمایه برای ویراستار میسر نبوده است. این کمبود در کتاب خیلی محسوس است.
البته این کاستیها در برابر کار بزرگی که محمدسرور مولایی و انتشارات امیری در چاپ چهار مجلد از سراجالتواریخ انجام دادهاند، ناچیز هستند و بر اساس وعدهای که آقای مولایی در مقدمه داده، در چاپهای بعدی آن رفع خواهد شد. بسیاریها معتقدند که با انتشار این کتاب، نجات آن از دستبرد زمانه تضمین شده است.
مشخصات کتاب:
نام کتاب: سراجالتواریخ (تتمه جلد سوم و جلد چهارم، چهار مجلد)
مولف: فیضمحمد کاتب
ویرایش، مقدمه و فهارس: دکتر محمدسرور مولایی
حروفچینی و صفحهآرایی: فرید پویان
ناشر: انتشارات امیری
سال چاپ: ۱۳۹۰
تیراژ: ۲۰۰۰ نسخه
بهای دوره ۴ جلدی: ۳۰۰۰ افغانی
BBC Farsi
Sunday, March 18, 2012
Thursday, March 15, 2012
Hope students collecting for sports equipment at a girls high school in Afghanistan
On Saturday, March 31 from 5-7 pm there will be a benefit Spaghetti Dinner organized by the girls from St. Luke’s Church, Hope, Afghan School Project. Proceeds will go to buy sports equipment for a girls high school in Afghanistan. The dinner will take place in Stout Hall at St. Mary’s Church, 408 Third Street, in Belvidere.
The Afghan School Project started in 2002, when TVs were full of pictures of Afghan children, girls as well as boys, returning to school. During the years of the Taliban girls were forbidden to get education or to pursue careers outside the home. In 2002, after many years of fighting in the country, most of the schools in Afghanistan had been destroyed or badly damaged. The St. Luke’s Outreach Committee decided it would try to raise money to help build a school in Afghanistan and found a partner in the American Friends Service Committee (the Quakers), who were already in Afghanistan and had started building schools....Continue Reading....
The Afghan School Project started in 2002, when TVs were full of pictures of Afghan children, girls as well as boys, returning to school. During the years of the Taliban girls were forbidden to get education or to pursue careers outside the home. In 2002, after many years of fighting in the country, most of the schools in Afghanistan had been destroyed or badly damaged. The St. Luke’s Outreach Committee decided it would try to raise money to help build a school in Afghanistan and found a partner in the American Friends Service Committee (the Quakers), who were already in Afghanistan and had started building schools....Continue Reading....
The real extreme sport: skiing in Afghanistan
A GAGGLE of villagers deep in the mountains of central Afghanistan stared in wonder as a professional snowboarder from New Zealand launched himself over half a dozen young children, two of them perched atop donkeys.
It was one of the oddest interactions between foreigners and Afghans in the decade since US-led forces invaded the country, and the result of a surprising tourism push in a country at war.
International aid workers and enterprising locals are trying to attract snowboarders and skiers to the untouched slopes of the Koh-e-Baba mountains to improve the fortunes of Bamiyan province - the site of towering Buddha statues destroyed by the Taliban in 2001, and one of Afghanistan's poorest provinces. It's no surprise that challenges abound....Continue Reading....
It was one of the oddest interactions between foreigners and Afghans in the decade since US-led forces invaded the country, and the result of a surprising tourism push in a country at war.
International aid workers and enterprising locals are trying to attract snowboarders and skiers to the untouched slopes of the Koh-e-Baba mountains to improve the fortunes of Bamiyan province - the site of towering Buddha statues destroyed by the Taliban in 2001, and one of Afghanistan's poorest provinces. It's no surprise that challenges abound....Continue Reading....
Wednesday, March 14, 2012
Tuesday, March 13, 2012
سالگرد قتل مزاری؛ بحث تغییرنظام بالا میگیرد
ایوب آروین
بیبیسی
به روز شده: 16:18 گرينويچ - سه شنبه 13 مارس 2012 - 23 اسفند 1390
عبدالعلی مزاری از حامیان اصلی طرح فدرالیسم در افغانستان بود
این روزها در هفدهمین سالگرد کشته شدن عبدالعلی مزاری، رهبر پیشین حزب وحدت اسلامی افغانستان به دست اعضای گروه طالبان، بار دیگر فرصتی پیش آمده تا رهبران اپوزیسیون موضوع تغییر نظام سیاسی را مطرح کنند.
در روزهای اخیر رهبران جبهه ملی و ائتلاف ملی در مجالس گوناگون به مناسبت هفدهمین سالگرد کشته شدن مزاری در چند شهر افغانستان، موضوع تغییر نظام سیاسی را مطرح کردهاند. این رهبران نظام ریاستی کنونی را ناکارآمد دانسته و بر اجرای نظام پارلمانی تاکید کردهاند.
عبدالعلی مزاری از حامیان اصلی طرح فدرالیسم در افغانستان بود و او برای اجرایی شدن آن حمایت شماری از گروههای جهادی و سیاستمداران کشور را هم به دست آورد.
ولی آغاز جنگهای داخلی در نیمه اول دهه هفتاد خورشیدی در افغانستان که منجر به مرگ خود او پیگیری این طرح را به تقریبا فراموشی سپرد.
حالا شماری از پیروان سیاسی مزاری میگویند که طرح او را در مورد نظام سیاسی به نحو دیگری دنبال میکنند.
محمد محقق، از افراد نزدیک به عبدالعلی مزاری که درحال حاضر شاخه ای از حزب وحدت را به نام "حزب وحدت اسلامی مردم افغانستان" رهبری می کند اخیرا با ژنرال عبدالرشید دوستم رهبر پیشین جنبش ملی اسلامی و احمد ضیا مسعود معاون پیشن آقای کرزی ائتلاف جدیدی را به نام جبه ملی تشکیل داده اند.
در آغاز گفتگویی با آقای محقق، از او پرسیدم طرحی را که عبدالعلی مزاری در مورد فدرالیسم ارائه کرد، چه مشخصاتی داشت؟
استاد مزاری ــ خدا رحمت کند ــ برای شرایط جغرافیایی و قومی افغانستان، تشکیل ادارهای غیرمتمرکز را بهترین راه حل میدانست ـ به گونهای که هر منطقهای در چهارچوب اداره غیرمتمرکز یا فدرالی اداره شود و در مورد یک سری مسائل اساسی خود بتواند تصمیم گیری کند، از قبیل بازسازی، برگزاری انتخابات محلی، مثل بقیه کشورهای غیرمتمرکز یا فدرالی در جهان.
محمد محقق
"شهید مزاری این بحث را مطرح کرد، متناسب با همین شرایط راه حل را در این میدانست که مردم بر سرنوشت خود حاکم باشند، در حکومت و در تصمیم گیری ها شریک باشند. لهذا، او معتقد بود که نظام سیاسی افغانستان به اداره غیرمتمرکز تنظیم شود که حکومت فدرال در مرکز باشد و دیگر محلات هم از خود اختیاراتی داشته باشد"
جغرافیای افغانستان به گونه ای است که نحوه اداره آن ایجاب میکند که به صورت زونها (منطقهها) یا محلاتی باشد که خود بتوانند در بسیاری مسائل تصمیم بگیرند، شرایطش هم مساعد است. مثلا در گذشته ها در زمان شاهی، کشور به همین شکل اداره می شده.
در راس (منطقه ها) نایب الحکومه ها بوده اند و مثلا نایب الحکومه ترکستان، نایب الحکومه قطغن و نایب الحکومه هرات و به همین گونه در جنوب ـ سیستم اداری، جغرافیایی و قومی افغانستان همین را ایجاب میکرده است.
در این اواخر که شهید مزاری این بحث را مطرح کرد، متناسب با همین شرایط راه حل را در این میدانست که مردم بر سرنوشت خود حاکم باشند، در حکومت و در تصمیم گیری ها شریک باشند. لهذا، او معتقد بود که نظام سیاسی افغانستان به اداره غیرمتمرکز تنظیم شود که حکومت فدرال در مرکز باشد و دیگر محلات هم از خود اختیاراتی داشته باشد.
حزب وحدت در سال ۱۳۷۱ پیش نویسی را برای تصویب قانون اساسی افغانستان پیشنهاد کرده بود که در آن تشکیل پنج ایالت در چهارچوب نظام فدرالی در کشور مطرح شده بود، حدود و ثغور نظام فدرالی در این طرح پیشنهادی چگونه مشخص شده بود؟
من این پیشنویس را نخواندهام و جزئیات آن را هم نمیدانم. بیشتر در تهیه این پیشنویس دانشمندان و تاریخدانها نظر داده بودند، مثل دکتر عبدالواحد سرابی، که از جمله شخصیتهای کهنهکار در بوروکراسی افغانستان است و همچنین محمد اکبر خان نرگس در این عرصهها نظریاتی داشتند. از افکار همین دانشمندان و انسانهای کهنهکار افغانستان در تهیه این پیشنویس مدد گرفته شده بود.
عبدالعلی مزاری و دیگر رهبران حزب وحدت اسلامی برای حمایت از طرح فدرالیسم ظاهرا پشتیبانی جنبش ملی-اسلامی به رهبری ژنرال عبدالرشید دوستم را با خود داشتند و با دیگر گروههای سیاسی هم گفتگوهایی داشتند، آنها در این مورد چه موضعی داشتند؟
ما از سال ۱۳۶۸ هجری شمسی بیشتر فعال شدیم برای احیای حقوق اقوام محروم افغانستان ــ اقوامی که حقوق شان نادیده گرفته شده بود ــ تلاشها را آغاز کردیم و در این راستا با بسیاری از جناحها رایزنی کردیم. در تهیه پیشنویس قانون اساسی هم از طرفهای مختلف نظرخواهی شد.
جنبش با ما در این راستا هم نظر بود، با شهید، احمد شاه مسعود هم در این راستا مذاکراتی شده بود. شباهتهایی بین نظریات ما در حزب وحدت و شهید احمدشاه مسعود وجود داشت. با بعضی از شخصیت های فکری و کارشناسهای اقوام مختلف هم صحبت شده بود.
"نظام فدرالی در شرایط فعلی بهانه برای دوستانی است که از بس که دیوانه قدرتند، فدرالیسم را مساوی با کمونیسم و الحاد میدانند. از این خاطر تاکید کردن بر یک نوع از نظام غیرمتمرکز ملاک نیست. ملاک رسیدن مردم به قدرت و تصمیم گیری است"
محمد محقق
چرا این طرح از طرف گروههای دیگر پذیرفته نشد؟ دلیل اصلی شکست این طرح در چه بود؟
مشکل این است که در افغانستان هر کسی که به قدرت رسید، دیکتاتور میشود. برای پیشبرد اهداف دکتاتورمنشانه، نظام متمرکز یک وسیله خوب است ــ مثل یک ساطور بر گردن ملتها.
متاسفانه هر کسی که در افغانستان به قدرت رسیده به انحصار قدرت فکر کرده و نه به این که قدرت را به مردم بدهد. هنوز هم همین مشکل را داریم و هر کسی که به قدرت رسید، به این فکر میکند که "الف تا ی" امور به دست او باشد.
در نظام متمرکز فعلی ما هم اگر از والیهایی که آقای کرزی تعیین کرده بپرسیم، دلهایشان پر از درد است. برای این که اگر یک والی بخواهد یک کیلو متر جاده را در شهر خود بازسازی کند، پیشنهادش دو سه سال در بوروکراسی مرکز میچرخد، بعد معلوم نیست که تصویب شود یا نشود.
در افغانستان از مامور عالی رتبه گرفته تا جاروکش شهرداری، همه باید از همانجا (مرکز کشور) تعیین شوند. این هم بسیار وقت گیر و هم فسادآور است.
زمانی که آقای مزاری به دست اعضای گروه طالبان کشته شد، پیروان او متعهد به این شدند که از اندیشههای سیاسی او پیروی کنند و طرح فدرالیسم هم که در محور اندیشههای او قرار داشت، ظاهرا از سوی پیروان او که به چند جناح تقسیم شده اند، فراموش شده است، این طور نیست؟
ما نظام غیرمتمرکز را مطرح کردهایم و از دیرزمان است که در مورد آن کار میکنیم. وقتی که در باره قانون اساسی (۱۳۸۲) هم بحث میشد ما نیمی از اعضای لویه جرگه گفتیم که نظام غیرمتمرکز و صدارتی (نخست وزیری) باشد. این فریادی است که شهید مزاری هم سر داده بود.
ولی فشار آوردند، بعضیها را خریدند و به بعضی دیگر مقام دادند و زلمی خلیلزاد (سفیر پیشین آمریکا در افغانستان) به آنها گفت که باید نظام متمرکز را بپذیرند.
یعنی حالا هم شما دنبال این طرح هستید؟
بله، طرح جبهه ملی را که ما مطرح کردهایم، نظام صدارتی و غیرمتمرکز است. اینها چیزهایی هستند که شهید مزاری هم خواستار آن بود.
خب، ظاهرا نظام غیرمتمرکز الزاما فدرالی نیست. نظام غیرمتمرکز میتواند انواع مختلفی داشته باشد.
منظور افتادن قدرت به دست مردم است، قدرت از تمرکز و از دست حکومت دیکتاتور بیرون شود و اختیارات به دست مردم بیفتد. این دیگر میشود فدرالی باشد یا نوع دیگری از نظام غیرمتمرکز باشد.
نظام فدرالی در شرایط فعلی بهانه برای دوستانی است که از بس که دیوانه قدرت اند، فدرالیسم را مساوی با کمونیسم و الحاد میدانند. از این خاطر تاکید کردن بر یک نوع از نظام غیرمتمرکز ملاک نیست. ملاک رسیدن مردم به قدرت و تصمیم گیری است.
"مشکل این است که در افغانستان هر کسی به که قدرت رسید، دکتاتور میشود. برای پیشبرد اهداف دکتاتورمنشانه نظام متمرکز یک وسیله خوب است ــ مثل یک ساطور بر گردن ملتها. متاسفانه هر کسی که در افغانستان به قدرت رسیده به انحصار قدرت فکر کرده و نه به این که قدرت را به مردم بدهد. هنوز هم همین مشکل را داریم و هر کسی که به قدرت رسید، به این فکر میکند که الف تا یای امور به دست او باشد"
به این ترتیب نظام فدرالی در افغانستان اصولا قابل اجرا است؟
از نظر ما یک نظام غیرمتمرکز در افغانستان قابل اجرا است.
شما پیشتر به مخالفان اصلی طرح فدرالیسم در افغانستان اشاره کردید، میشود مشخص کنید که آنها در حال حاضر چه کسانی هستند و استدلال آنها برای رد این طرح چیست؟
اصولاً مخالف آن دیکتاتورها و مستبدها هستند که نمیخواهند مردم در تعیین سرنوشت خود دخیل باشند. با پوششی که بر استدلال خود میدهند، میگویند اجرای فدرالیسم به معنای تجزیه افغانستان است و سرانجامش تجزیه است.
این موضوع در حرفهای آقای کرزی آمده، در حرفهای آقای حکمتیار آمده و بعضیهای دیگر هم گفتهاند، در حالی که در هیچ جای دنیا فدرالیسم مساوی با تجزیه کشور نبوده است.
ما در استرالیا یک نظام کاملا فدرال داریم، در آلمان ما نظام فدرال داریم، در آمریکا نظام فدرال است و "ایالات متحده" است، هیچ کدام تجزیه نشده است، بلکه این نظامهای متمرکز دیکتاتور اند که سرانجام تجزیه شده اند، مثل سودان.
BBC Farsi
بیبیسی
به روز شده: 16:18 گرينويچ - سه شنبه 13 مارس 2012 - 23 اسفند 1390
این روزها در هفدهمین سالگرد کشته شدن عبدالعلی مزاری، رهبر پیشین حزب وحدت اسلامی افغانستان به دست اعضای گروه طالبان، بار دیگر فرصتی پیش آمده تا رهبران اپوزیسیون موضوع تغییر نظام سیاسی را مطرح کنند.
در روزهای اخیر رهبران جبهه ملی و ائتلاف ملی در مجالس گوناگون به مناسبت هفدهمین سالگرد کشته شدن مزاری در چند شهر افغانستان، موضوع تغییر نظام سیاسی را مطرح کردهاند. این رهبران نظام ریاستی کنونی را ناکارآمد دانسته و بر اجرای نظام پارلمانی تاکید کردهاند.
عبدالعلی مزاری از حامیان اصلی طرح فدرالیسم در افغانستان بود و او برای اجرایی شدن آن حمایت شماری از گروههای جهادی و سیاستمداران کشور را هم به دست آورد.
ولی آغاز جنگهای داخلی در نیمه اول دهه هفتاد خورشیدی در افغانستان که منجر به مرگ خود او پیگیری این طرح را به تقریبا فراموشی سپرد.
حالا شماری از پیروان سیاسی مزاری میگویند که طرح او را در مورد نظام سیاسی به نحو دیگری دنبال میکنند.
محمد محقق، از افراد نزدیک به عبدالعلی مزاری که درحال حاضر شاخه ای از حزب وحدت را به نام "حزب وحدت اسلامی مردم افغانستان" رهبری می کند اخیرا با ژنرال عبدالرشید دوستم رهبر پیشین جنبش ملی اسلامی و احمد ضیا مسعود معاون پیشن آقای کرزی ائتلاف جدیدی را به نام جبه ملی تشکیل داده اند.
در آغاز گفتگویی با آقای محقق، از او پرسیدم طرحی را که عبدالعلی مزاری در مورد فدرالیسم ارائه کرد، چه مشخصاتی داشت؟
استاد مزاری ــ خدا رحمت کند ــ برای شرایط جغرافیایی و قومی افغانستان، تشکیل ادارهای غیرمتمرکز را بهترین راه حل میدانست ـ به گونهای که هر منطقهای در چهارچوب اداره غیرمتمرکز یا فدرالی اداره شود و در مورد یک سری مسائل اساسی خود بتواند تصمیم گیری کند، از قبیل بازسازی، برگزاری انتخابات محلی، مثل بقیه کشورهای غیرمتمرکز یا فدرالی در جهان.
محمد محقق
"شهید مزاری این بحث را مطرح کرد، متناسب با همین شرایط راه حل را در این میدانست که مردم بر سرنوشت خود حاکم باشند، در حکومت و در تصمیم گیری ها شریک باشند. لهذا، او معتقد بود که نظام سیاسی افغانستان به اداره غیرمتمرکز تنظیم شود که حکومت فدرال در مرکز باشد و دیگر محلات هم از خود اختیاراتی داشته باشد"
جغرافیای افغانستان به گونه ای است که نحوه اداره آن ایجاب میکند که به صورت زونها (منطقهها) یا محلاتی باشد که خود بتوانند در بسیاری مسائل تصمیم بگیرند، شرایطش هم مساعد است. مثلا در گذشته ها در زمان شاهی، کشور به همین شکل اداره می شده.
در راس (منطقه ها) نایب الحکومه ها بوده اند و مثلا نایب الحکومه ترکستان، نایب الحکومه قطغن و نایب الحکومه هرات و به همین گونه در جنوب ـ سیستم اداری، جغرافیایی و قومی افغانستان همین را ایجاب میکرده است.
در این اواخر که شهید مزاری این بحث را مطرح کرد، متناسب با همین شرایط راه حل را در این میدانست که مردم بر سرنوشت خود حاکم باشند، در حکومت و در تصمیم گیری ها شریک باشند. لهذا، او معتقد بود که نظام سیاسی افغانستان به اداره غیرمتمرکز تنظیم شود که حکومت فدرال در مرکز باشد و دیگر محلات هم از خود اختیاراتی داشته باشد.
حزب وحدت در سال ۱۳۷۱ پیش نویسی را برای تصویب قانون اساسی افغانستان پیشنهاد کرده بود که در آن تشکیل پنج ایالت در چهارچوب نظام فدرالی در کشور مطرح شده بود، حدود و ثغور نظام فدرالی در این طرح پیشنهادی چگونه مشخص شده بود؟
من این پیشنویس را نخواندهام و جزئیات آن را هم نمیدانم. بیشتر در تهیه این پیشنویس دانشمندان و تاریخدانها نظر داده بودند، مثل دکتر عبدالواحد سرابی، که از جمله شخصیتهای کهنهکار در بوروکراسی افغانستان است و همچنین محمد اکبر خان نرگس در این عرصهها نظریاتی داشتند. از افکار همین دانشمندان و انسانهای کهنهکار افغانستان در تهیه این پیشنویس مدد گرفته شده بود.
عبدالعلی مزاری و دیگر رهبران حزب وحدت اسلامی برای حمایت از طرح فدرالیسم ظاهرا پشتیبانی جنبش ملی-اسلامی به رهبری ژنرال عبدالرشید دوستم را با خود داشتند و با دیگر گروههای سیاسی هم گفتگوهایی داشتند، آنها در این مورد چه موضعی داشتند؟
ما از سال ۱۳۶۸ هجری شمسی بیشتر فعال شدیم برای احیای حقوق اقوام محروم افغانستان ــ اقوامی که حقوق شان نادیده گرفته شده بود ــ تلاشها را آغاز کردیم و در این راستا با بسیاری از جناحها رایزنی کردیم. در تهیه پیشنویس قانون اساسی هم از طرفهای مختلف نظرخواهی شد.
جنبش با ما در این راستا هم نظر بود، با شهید، احمد شاه مسعود هم در این راستا مذاکراتی شده بود. شباهتهایی بین نظریات ما در حزب وحدت و شهید احمدشاه مسعود وجود داشت. با بعضی از شخصیت های فکری و کارشناسهای اقوام مختلف هم صحبت شده بود.
"نظام فدرالی در شرایط فعلی بهانه برای دوستانی است که از بس که دیوانه قدرتند، فدرالیسم را مساوی با کمونیسم و الحاد میدانند. از این خاطر تاکید کردن بر یک نوع از نظام غیرمتمرکز ملاک نیست. ملاک رسیدن مردم به قدرت و تصمیم گیری است"
محمد محقق
چرا این طرح از طرف گروههای دیگر پذیرفته نشد؟ دلیل اصلی شکست این طرح در چه بود؟
مشکل این است که در افغانستان هر کسی که به قدرت رسید، دیکتاتور میشود. برای پیشبرد اهداف دکتاتورمنشانه، نظام متمرکز یک وسیله خوب است ــ مثل یک ساطور بر گردن ملتها.
متاسفانه هر کسی که در افغانستان به قدرت رسیده به انحصار قدرت فکر کرده و نه به این که قدرت را به مردم بدهد. هنوز هم همین مشکل را داریم و هر کسی که به قدرت رسید، به این فکر میکند که "الف تا ی" امور به دست او باشد.
در نظام متمرکز فعلی ما هم اگر از والیهایی که آقای کرزی تعیین کرده بپرسیم، دلهایشان پر از درد است. برای این که اگر یک والی بخواهد یک کیلو متر جاده را در شهر خود بازسازی کند، پیشنهادش دو سه سال در بوروکراسی مرکز میچرخد، بعد معلوم نیست که تصویب شود یا نشود.
در افغانستان از مامور عالی رتبه گرفته تا جاروکش شهرداری، همه باید از همانجا (مرکز کشور) تعیین شوند. این هم بسیار وقت گیر و هم فسادآور است.
زمانی که آقای مزاری به دست اعضای گروه طالبان کشته شد، پیروان او متعهد به این شدند که از اندیشههای سیاسی او پیروی کنند و طرح فدرالیسم هم که در محور اندیشههای او قرار داشت، ظاهرا از سوی پیروان او که به چند جناح تقسیم شده اند، فراموش شده است، این طور نیست؟
ما نظام غیرمتمرکز را مطرح کردهایم و از دیرزمان است که در مورد آن کار میکنیم. وقتی که در باره قانون اساسی (۱۳۸۲) هم بحث میشد ما نیمی از اعضای لویه جرگه گفتیم که نظام غیرمتمرکز و صدارتی (نخست وزیری) باشد. این فریادی است که شهید مزاری هم سر داده بود.
ولی فشار آوردند، بعضیها را خریدند و به بعضی دیگر مقام دادند و زلمی خلیلزاد (سفیر پیشین آمریکا در افغانستان) به آنها گفت که باید نظام متمرکز را بپذیرند.
یعنی حالا هم شما دنبال این طرح هستید؟
بله، طرح جبهه ملی را که ما مطرح کردهایم، نظام صدارتی و غیرمتمرکز است. اینها چیزهایی هستند که شهید مزاری هم خواستار آن بود.
خب، ظاهرا نظام غیرمتمرکز الزاما فدرالی نیست. نظام غیرمتمرکز میتواند انواع مختلفی داشته باشد.
منظور افتادن قدرت به دست مردم است، قدرت از تمرکز و از دست حکومت دیکتاتور بیرون شود و اختیارات به دست مردم بیفتد. این دیگر میشود فدرالی باشد یا نوع دیگری از نظام غیرمتمرکز باشد.
نظام فدرالی در شرایط فعلی بهانه برای دوستانی است که از بس که دیوانه قدرت اند، فدرالیسم را مساوی با کمونیسم و الحاد میدانند. از این خاطر تاکید کردن بر یک نوع از نظام غیرمتمرکز ملاک نیست. ملاک رسیدن مردم به قدرت و تصمیم گیری است.
"مشکل این است که در افغانستان هر کسی به که قدرت رسید، دکتاتور میشود. برای پیشبرد اهداف دکتاتورمنشانه نظام متمرکز یک وسیله خوب است ــ مثل یک ساطور بر گردن ملتها. متاسفانه هر کسی که در افغانستان به قدرت رسیده به انحصار قدرت فکر کرده و نه به این که قدرت را به مردم بدهد. هنوز هم همین مشکل را داریم و هر کسی که به قدرت رسید، به این فکر میکند که الف تا یای امور به دست او باشد"
به این ترتیب نظام فدرالی در افغانستان اصولا قابل اجرا است؟
از نظر ما یک نظام غیرمتمرکز در افغانستان قابل اجرا است.
شما پیشتر به مخالفان اصلی طرح فدرالیسم در افغانستان اشاره کردید، میشود مشخص کنید که آنها در حال حاضر چه کسانی هستند و استدلال آنها برای رد این طرح چیست؟
اصولاً مخالف آن دیکتاتورها و مستبدها هستند که نمیخواهند مردم در تعیین سرنوشت خود دخیل باشند. با پوششی که بر استدلال خود میدهند، میگویند اجرای فدرالیسم به معنای تجزیه افغانستان است و سرانجامش تجزیه است.
این موضوع در حرفهای آقای کرزی آمده، در حرفهای آقای حکمتیار آمده و بعضیهای دیگر هم گفتهاند، در حالی که در هیچ جای دنیا فدرالیسم مساوی با تجزیه کشور نبوده است.
ما در استرالیا یک نظام کاملا فدرال داریم، در آلمان ما نظام فدرال داریم، در آمریکا نظام فدرال است و "ایالات متحده" است، هیچ کدام تجزیه نشده است، بلکه این نظامهای متمرکز دیکتاتور اند که سرانجام تجزیه شده اند، مثل سودان.
BBC Farsi
Sunday, March 11, 2012
Afghanistan’s Uphill Racer
BAMIYAN, Afghanistan — Khalil Reza is a champion. His mother calls him a hero. He calls himself a skier.
On donated skis, he climbed up a quarter-mile slope and skied down an ungroomed mountain well before the handful of experienced Europeans and Americans who traveled here specifically for the Afghan Ski Challenge, held on Friday by the Aga Khan Foundation and two Swiss journalists. Also defeated were nine other Afghan competitors, most reared in small snow-covered villages tucked in the valleys of the Koh-i-Baba mountains....Continue Reading (Also Photo shots)
On donated skis, he climbed up a quarter-mile slope and skied down an ungroomed mountain well before the handful of experienced Europeans and Americans who traveled here specifically for the Afghan Ski Challenge, held on Friday by the Aga Khan Foundation and two Swiss journalists. Also defeated were nine other Afghan competitors, most reared in small snow-covered villages tucked in the valleys of the Koh-i-Baba mountains....Continue Reading (Also Photo shots)
Balochistan distress
Assisting a three-member Supreme Court bench as amicus curiae during Wednesday's hearing on petitions against kidnappings for ransom and targeted killings, former chief justice of the Balochistan High Court Amirul Mulk Mengal painted a bleak picture of the law and order situation in his province.
The writ of the sate does not exist in Balochistan, according to him, and the provincial or the federal government have taken no steps to set things right...Continue Reading...
The writ of the sate does not exist in Balochistan, according to him, and the provincial or the federal government have taken no steps to set things right...Continue Reading...
Sunday, March 4, 2012
Saturday, March 3, 2012
UK House of Commons debates Hazaras of Quetta
Hazara People (Quetta)
6:00 pm
Motion made, and Question proposed, That this House do now adjourn.—(Angela Watkinson.)
Alan Johnson (Kingston upon Hull West and Hessle, Labour)
This debate is about the persecution of the Hazara community in Quetta city in the Pakistan province of Balochistan and its aim is to draw attention to their plight. The ultimate objective is to put pressure on the Pakistan authorities to do more to capture those who are responsible.
I sought this debate with my hon. Friend Dr Whitehead, who cannot be here this evening because of an engagement in his constituency, and Iain Stewart who, with your permission, Mr Deputy Speaker, will make a contribution. I know that others who have members of the Hazara community in their constituencies wish to intervene and with your permission, Mr Deputy Speaker, I am perfectly happy for that to happen.
Like many other right hon. and hon. Members, we have constituents who are part of the Hazara community in the UK. The constituent who drew this matter to my attention, Muhammad Younas, is a typical Hazara: passionate about education, law-abiding and committed to public service. He works for a social enterprise, teaching and assisting those who need his help and making an important contribution to community relations in Hull.
We are extremely grateful to the Minister for agreeing to meet us last December to discuss the issue and for being here for the debate today. As we discussed it, there was consensus that it needed to be aired on the Floor of the House of Commons, which is why I am so pleased that the debate was granted today.
There are about 600,000 Hazaras living in Quetta city and many fled there from Afghanistan, where they were a specific target for the Taliban. Hazaras in Quetta are being killed practically on a daily basis and it has been estimated that about 600 have been killed so far, yet not a single perpetrator has been captured and brought to justice.
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Mark Lancaster (Milton Keynes North, Conservative)
I am grateful to the hon. Gentleman for giving way and I congratulate him on securing the debate. His point is so powerful that it deserves underlining. Does he share my concern that while that statistic of more than 600 deaths and not a single conviction remains, it is very hard to take seriously the Pakistan Government’s claim that they are tackling this matter?
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Alan Johnson (Kingston upon Hull West and Hessle, Labour)
The hon. Gentleman is right. I have huge respect for the country—I went to Pakistan when I was a Minister—and for the high commissioner, but I believe that that is the key point about the Hazara community: there is no sign of any of the perpetrators being brought to justice, and it is not simply the case that they are being held but the prosecuting authorities are not being successful. That is one of the major issues in this debate and the hon. Gentleman is right to draw attention to it.
The response of the authorities in Balochistan has been to restrict the movement of the Hazaras themselves—to forbid them entering certain districts and to apply travel restrictions—and to treat the murders with a mixture of complacency and complicity. Last September/October almost 50 Hazaras were taken from buses and wagons in separate incidents, lined up and killed. The Chief Minister of Balochistan responded with levity, saying in a television interview that he would send a truckload of tissue paper to the bereaved families. That is the kind of atmosphere in which the Hazaras are living. The authorities know that the Hazaras are a target for terrorist groups and that an al-Qaeda affiliate is seeking to make Pakistan, in their words, Hazaras' graveyard. They state that their mission is to eliminate “this impure sect” and people
“from every city, every village…and corner of Pakistan.”
Rehman Chishti (Gillingham and Rainham, Conservative)
I am grateful to the right hon. Gentleman for giving way. By way of declaration, Mr Deputy Speaker, I worked with Benazir Bhutto from 1999 to 2007. On the point about the Hazara community being affected, does the right hon. Gentleman agree that it is not the only community being affected? The Christian, Muslim, Sikh and Hindu communities are also suffering as a result of Pakistan’s having been a front-line state in the war against Russia and then in the war against al-Qaeda after 9/11. As a result, radicalisation and sectarian violence have spread from Afghanistan to Pakistan, leading to the murders of Benazir Bhutto and Shahbaz Bhatti, the Christian Minister. Of course I understand the right hon. Gentleman’s concern, but everyone has suffered as a result of the sectarian ethnic violence spreading from Afghanistan to Pakistan, not just the Hazara people.
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Alan Johnson (Kingston upon Hull West and Hessle, Labour)
I do accept that point; indeed, the high commissioner for Pakistan made the same point when he contacted me today about this debate. I shall say some things later about the difficulties that Pakistan is facing, but that must not detract from the fact that these killings are taking place on a daily basis. The authorities seem remarkably complacent about it and not a single perpetrator has been brought to justice.
While the movement of Hazaras is restricted, their pursuers walk freely in the city despite the heavy presence of the police, the army and the frontier corps who all have checkpoints in and around Quetta. The reason for that persecution is not just the Hazaras’ religion—they are predominantly Shi'a Muslims—but their genetic link to the Mongol people, which allows them to be recognised by their physical appearance. Hazaras are also persecuted because have pursued higher education, enrolled in the army and occupied senior positions in government, the civil service and civic society more generally. They are the kind of law-abiding citizen who would play an important role in a free, democratic Afghanistan and a peaceful and prosperous Pakistan. Thus, they are the enemies of a whole range of terrorist groups.
The persecution—some would say genocide—carried out against the Hazaras has been well documented by the United Nations, the Human Rights Commission of Pakistan and organisations such as the New York-based monitoring body Human Rights Watch. However, there
is insufficient awareness nationally and internationally about what the Hazaras are going through, despite the best efforts of the Hazara community and organisations such as the Hazara Organisation for Progress and Equality, or HOPE, which seeks to raise these issues in Parliaments around the world.
The attacks are intensifying. Hazaras are murdered when they stay in Quetta and killed when they try to leave. Fifty five young Hazaras were drowned in the waters of Indonesia on 20 December when trying to escape their perilous existence. The Hazaras believe that the religious militant groups carrying out these killings are state sponsored, and there is evidence for that assertion. The Asian Human Rights Commission reported on 6 January that the Pakistan army had created a militant organisation to kill intellectuals, activists and Hazaras in Balochistan. I have seen a copy of an official letter from the Government of Balochistan informing the military authorities and the police in Quetta about the presence of a man called Sabir Mehsood, whose stated aim was to murder Hazaras, but no action was taken to apprehend him. Thus, more than 80 Hazaras were killed in Quetta by this man and his fellow operatives last year.
The international community cannot allow this persecution to continue. There are significant Hazara populations in countries around the world, particularly in Australia, and these countries should co-ordinate and intensify their efforts. I know that the Minister is fully engaged in trying to pressurise the Pakistani authorities to protect the Hazara community in Quetta, and I know that the Foreign Secretary is equally committed.
Pakistan is an old, valued and trusted ally of the United Kingdom and is seeking to renew its democratic credentials after years of military rule. It is a country beset by problems, and its citizens have suffered at the hands of terrorists more than any other country in the world, as Rehman Chishti pointed out. However, the Pakistani Government must do more to root out state-supported terrorism wherever it exists. It undoubtedly exists in Quetta city, and the Hazaras are its principal victims. It is a good place to begin this process.
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6:10 pm
Iain Stewart (Milton Keynes South, Conservative)
I am grateful for the opportunity to make a short contribution to the debate. I congratulate Alan Johnson on securing it. I am happy to endorse all his points, which, in the interests of brevity, I will not repeat.
My interest in this issue, and that of my hon. Friend Mark Lancaster, stems from our having a large Hazara population in Milton Keynes. The headquarters of the Hazara Community of Great Britain charity are located in Bletchley in my constituency. It is a close-knit, progressive community, and it certainly makes a valuable contribution to the local community and wider civic life of Milton Keynes.
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Stella Creasy (Walthamstow, Labour)
I congratulate my right hon. Friend Alan Johnson on securing this debate. Like others, I have a Hazara community in my
constituency in north-east London. Does the hon. Gentleman agree that we can play an important role in supporting the Hazara community in Britain to come forward and raise concerns, and in engaging with the Foreign Office in making progress in Pakistan on some of these issues?
Iain Stewart (Milton Keynes South, Conservative)
I am happy to endorse that point. My hon. Friend the Member for Milton Keynes North has already met a delegation from the community and the Minister. They are deeply concerned, as the hon. Lady implied, about the plight of their relatives and the broader community in Pakistan, amid what are daily reports of killings and persecution.
As the right hon. Member for Kingston upon Hull West and Hessle said, there are concerns that these attacks are not being dealt with appropriately by the authorities in Pakistan. I join him in imploring the Minister to do all he can to influence the situation. Just a few weeks ago, we all commemorated world holocaust memorial day. The campaign this year was, “Speak up, Speak out”, and was aimed at challenging persecution and hatred wherever it existed in the world. This we must do for the Hazara people. I look forward to hearing what steps the Government are taking to address the situation.
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Rehman Chishti (Gillingham and Rainham, Conservative)
Will my hon. Friend give way?
Iain Stewart (Milton Keynes South, Conservative)
I was about to finish, but I will certainly give way.
Rehman Chishti (Gillingham and Rainham, Conservative)
Linked to the Hazara community, the other community that has suffered a lot as a result of radicalisation is the Christian community in Pakistan. We must do everything that we can to ensure that it gets its full right as well. Will he join me in paying tribute to Bishop Michael Nazir-Ali, the former Bishop of Rochester, who is from Pakistan and has done a lot on community cohesion and dialogue between all faiths?
Iain Stewart (Milton Keynes South, Conservative)
I am happy to do that. I was at the end of my comments, so on that note, I shall conclude.
6:14 pm
Alistair Burt (Parliamentary Under Secretary of State (Afghanistan/South Asia, counter terrorism/proliferation, North America, Middle East and North Africa), Foreign and Commonwealth Office; North East Bedfordshire, Conservative)
I thank Alan Johnson for securing this debate and for his usual courtesy in forwarding to me a copy of his remarks earlier this afternoon. I also thank other colleagues who have taken part and expressed their concerns—Stella Creasy and my hon. Friends the Members for Milton Keynes North (Mark Lancaster), for Milton Keynes South (Iain Stewart) and for Gillingham and Rainham (Rehman Chishti). We all share a passion for Pakistan and supporting human rights across a difficult and complex region. I have met and corresponded with several colleagues in the House on a number of human rights issues in Pakistan and welcome the opportunity to discuss them in a public forum.
Last December I spoke with the right hon. Gentleman and his Hazara constituent and was told about the day-to-day living conditions of the Hazara community in Quetta. I had previously met the constituents of my
hon. Friend the Member for Milton Keynes North, who raised similar concerns. I expressed my serious concerns about the discrimination of minorities in Pakistan and joined the right hon. Gentleman in condemning September’s appalling attacks in Balochistan, which left so many innocent people dead.
Before talking about the Hazara community in more detail, I will take the opportunity to set some of the issues in context, as my hon. Friend the Member for Gillingham and Rainham suggested. Sadly, sectarian violence is not isolated to Balochistan. Tragically, across the country the Pakistani people have suffered from the scourge of sectarian violence. Sunni and Shi’a alike have endured terrible violence, as have other minority communities. I join the Pakistani Prime Minister, Yousuf Raza Gilani, in condemning this week’s disgraceful attacks in Kohistan, which killed at least 18 Shi’a Muslims. It is vital that the perpetrators of all sectarian violence, including this week’s vicious attack, are brought to justice.
The United Kingdom and Pakistan have a long history and a strong relationship founded on mutual respect, mutual trust, and mutual benefit. Our respect for Pakistan’s sovereignty and territorial integrity is absolute, so we must be clear that the security of Balochistan, as with all provinces of Pakistan, is a matter for the people and Government of Pakistan. The improvement to regional security to which the international community is committed requires all countries to respect the sovereignty and territorial integrity of their neighbours.
Although sectarian violence across Pakistan is a growing concern, it is important to note the progress being made in a range of human rights areas, including removing reservations to human rights treaties. It is vital that Pakistan now works to ensure that it effectively implements the international human rights treaties to which it is a signatory. None of the communities of which we have spoken in the debate will truly be secure unless these advances are made.
At the dawn of Pakistan’s independence, Muhammad Ali Jinnah, in his presidential address to the first Constituent Assembly, outlined his belief that in Pakistan there should be
“no discrimination between one caste or creed and another”,
for Pakistan is founded with the
“fundamental principle that we are all citizens and equal citizens of one state”.
I have met many Pakistanis who are working tirelessly to realise that vision today, and none was more courageous than Minister Shahbaz Bhatti, whose work towards peaceful, moderate change was met with such brutal violence. Since his assassination I have twice met his brother, Dr Paul Bhatti, and underlined the UK Government’s support for human rights in Pakistan.
Human rights are intertwined with a wide range of issues, including education, stability and development. The UK’s engagement with Pakistan is therefore broad and strategic, covering education, economic stability, security, and cultural co-operation. The Pakistani Foreign Minister, Hina Rabbani Khar, had a successful visit to the UK last week, during which I discussed security and economic development with her and raised my concerns over the rights of religious minorities, including the Hazara community.
We work with international partners and the Pakistani Government to tackle the shared challenge of extremism and to increase Pakistan’s stability and prosperity. It is worth reminding all Members that Pakistan is on the front line of terrorism and makes bigger sacrifices in fighting it than any other country. In the 10 years since 9/11, more than 30,000 Pakistanis have been killed. The people of Pakistan will always have our sympathy, understanding and robust support in addressing terror.
The Pakistani Foreign Minister’s visit to the UK reflects the depth of our partnership and friendship. My right hon. Friend the Foreign Secretary held wide-ranging discussions with her, within the framework of our enhanced strategic dialogue, which strengthens practical co-operation between our two countries. They discussed the progress being made to create between the UK and Pakistan a deeper and broader dialogue, including on human rights, which will strengthen our friendship and promote mutual prosperity and security.
The many links between the UK and Pakistan mean that we can engage honestly and directly with each other on many subjects: counter-terrorism, security policy, immigration, trade, development, education and the rule of law. The theme that underlines all that, and the focus of our attention this evening, is human rights.
As the constitution of Pakistan lays down, all Pakistani citizens should be able to live their lives without fear of discrimination or persecution, regardless of their religious beliefs or their ethnic group. I assure the right hon. Gentleman that we regularly reinforce to our colleagues in the Government of Pakistan at all levels the importance of upholding those fundamental rights, and our strategic dialogue enables Ministers such as myself and my right hon. Friend the Foreign Secretary to do so on behalf of all minority communities in Pakistan.
The Government of Pakistan have taken positive action: they have reserved quotas in the public sector and in Parliament for minorities; they have set up complaints procedures for those encountering discrimination; and they have removed reservations to international human rights treaties. We will continue to support those who wish to see reform in Pakistan, and to raise human rights with the Pakistani Government. As I said, I raised my concerns about human rights with Foreign Minister Khar last week.
In 2011 I twice held constructive discussions with the Pakistani Prime Minister’s adviser on inter-faith harmony and minority affairs, Dr Paul Bhatti. Tomorrow, as some will know, marks the first anniversary of his brother’s assassination, serving as a poignant reminder not only of the need to tackle terrorism in order to support Pakistani progress on human rights, but of the losses that they have suffered. There is a process in place to ensure that inter-faith committees meet in the various provinces. I have seen it in action, and we are keen to continue to support it.
The plight of the Hazara community is connected to the wider regional dynamic. Hazara people fleeing repression in 19th century Afghanistan formed the beginnings of Pakistan’s Hazara. More refugees from Afghanistan followed throughout the 20th century, and Quetta’s population is now estimated to be made up of one third Hazara, with 600,000 in total in Pakistan.
The presence of the Afghan Taliban in Quetta has amplified the repression of Pakistani Shi’a, including Hazara, in the region. We welcome the progress made by the Hazaras of Afghanistan since the fall of the Taliban in 2001. It has seen high-profile Hazaras occupy key positions in the Afghan Government. In Kabul, UK officials engage with a range of Hazara interlocutors and continue to promote an inclusive political process. The Hazara community in Iran has also complained of mistreatment, and we will continue to appeal to Iran, including through the United Nations and the European Union, to respect human rights. Those details give Members a sense of how the Hazara community is treated throughout the whole region.
The specific issues of Hazara rights and of sectarian violence in Balochistan were raised with the Balochi authorities and with parliamentarians by British officials in October. Local discussion of those issues has continued since, with our officials engaging with, among others, Balochi members of the National Assembly.
The plight of Pakistan’s Hazara community, highlighted in this evening’s debate, will be recognised in the 2011 Foreign and Commonwealth Office human rights report, which is due to be published this month. Media reports claim that almost 700 Hazaras have been killed in Pakistan since 2004. In 2011, the Hazara in Balochistan suffered a number of major attacks, including on 19 September when gunmen killed 26 Hazara pilgrims returning from Iran. Lashkar-e Jhangvi claimed responsibility for that attack and has waged a sustained campaign of violence against the community. On 4 October attackers killed 13 passengers, mostly Hazara, travelling on a bus in Quetta. A major attack during the Shi’a processions marking Ashura was anticipated but did not occur.
Nawab Aslam Raisani, Chief Minister of Balochistan, formulated a committee on September 22 to probe the killing of 29 pilgrims in Mastung. I remain concerned about the low-key response of Pakistan’s authorities to September and October’s violent attacks. It is vital that those responsible are brought to justice. In the long term we should like to see improvements in Pakistani citizens’ access to justice throughout the country. The House may be assured that we will continue to press on these issues, in relation to that community and to others.
Enhancing the rule of law in Pakistan is vital to improving the plight of the Hazara community. A range of Government work is developing that is helping to improve the rule of law in Pakistan. For instance, we are developing a programme with Pakistan to enhance its ability to prosecute violent extremists, including working to enhance investigations, prosecutions, detentions, and legislation. The Department for International Development’s transformational work to address poverty and education will help to enhance Pakistan’s commitment to the rule of law. The UK is working with our European Union partners and the Government of Pakistan to look at ways of supporting reform and capacity building of Pakistan’s rule of law.
My hon. Friend Rehman Chishti raised, in particular, the Christian community. That gives me the opportunity to say how we try to deal with human rights more generally across the region. Our experience is that picking out one community rather than another is not always the most helpful way to address the issue. Because human rights
is an important issue right across the board, we find that many minorities are subject to these problems. Ensuring that the rule of law runs across all communities and that Governments are devoted to improving access to the rule of law and the rights of minorities across the board means that no minority can be picked out against another and that where there are those who would like to claim that favourable treatment is offered by those outside, that is not the case.
All are made more secure by attention to the rule of law, and all are weakened, including any minority community, by a Government’s failure to address the rule of law and human rights. That is why our policy is so determinedly aimed at the rights of communities across the board, whether it be those under pressure in Pakistan, Christian communities across the middle east, or individual communities such as the Hazara in Balochistan.
Alan Johnson (Kingston upon Hull West and Hessle, Labour)
I am pleased that the plight of the Hazara will—for the first time, I believe—be covered in the Foreign and Commonwealth Office human rights document. I understand what the Minister is saying about the persecution of other religions. However, does he agree, that if no one raises the persecution of a specific group, we will never discuss any terrorist targets? Does he agree that it is very difficult to find another religion or ethnic group in Pakistan that has quite the same level of apparent compliance in these murders, with absolutely none of the perpetrators brought to justice? If there are other groups—although this is not a contest to see who has been treated worst—I would be very surprised. There is a specific issue about the Hazara that needs to be addressed.
Alistair Burt (Parliamentary Under Secretary of State (Afghanistan/South Asia, counter terrorism/proliferation, North America, Middle East and North Africa), Foreign and Commonwealth Office; North East Bedfordshire, Conservative)
I acknowledge the right hon. Gentleman’s second point. He has referred to terrifying statistics about the absence of justice. As I said, we remain very concerned about the response of the Pakistani authorities to those statistics, and we will apply pressure in relation to them.
In response to his first point: absolutely. Hon. Members are bound to raise the issues of individual communities. The point of our approach is to set those cases in context so that we are not pitting one community against another by indicating that one is treated worse than another, and recognising that the absence of the rule of law and human rights can affect so many people. I think that we are all doing this in exactly the right way. The right hon. Gentleman and other hon. Members are absolutely right to raise certain different communities, as they have today. We are right in putting that into context and demanding justice for all, because unless there is justice for all, justice is denied for those who are outside that embrace.
The United Kingdom will continue to work with the leaders of Pakistan and its people—people who deserve to experience a stable and prosperous future, to enjoy vibrant democratic debate without fear of intimidation, and to live in a country where freedom of religion is not undermined by sectarian violence. We have a distinctive role to play in supporting that sort of Pakistan. I am grateful for the work of many Members of the House as we continue to work with Pakistan towards that vision.
Question put and agreed to.
House adjourned.
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6:00 pm
Motion made, and Question proposed, That this House do now adjourn.—(Angela Watkinson.)
Alan Johnson (Kingston upon Hull West and Hessle, Labour)
This debate is about the persecution of the Hazara community in Quetta city in the Pakistan province of Balochistan and its aim is to draw attention to their plight. The ultimate objective is to put pressure on the Pakistan authorities to do more to capture those who are responsible.
I sought this debate with my hon. Friend Dr Whitehead, who cannot be here this evening because of an engagement in his constituency, and Iain Stewart who, with your permission, Mr Deputy Speaker, will make a contribution. I know that others who have members of the Hazara community in their constituencies wish to intervene and with your permission, Mr Deputy Speaker, I am perfectly happy for that to happen.
Like many other right hon. and hon. Members, we have constituents who are part of the Hazara community in the UK. The constituent who drew this matter to my attention, Muhammad Younas, is a typical Hazara: passionate about education, law-abiding and committed to public service. He works for a social enterprise, teaching and assisting those who need his help and making an important contribution to community relations in Hull.
We are extremely grateful to the Minister for agreeing to meet us last December to discuss the issue and for being here for the debate today. As we discussed it, there was consensus that it needed to be aired on the Floor of the House of Commons, which is why I am so pleased that the debate was granted today.
There are about 600,000 Hazaras living in Quetta city and many fled there from Afghanistan, where they were a specific target for the Taliban. Hazaras in Quetta are being killed practically on a daily basis and it has been estimated that about 600 have been killed so far, yet not a single perpetrator has been captured and brought to justice.
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Mark Lancaster (Milton Keynes North, Conservative)
I am grateful to the hon. Gentleman for giving way and I congratulate him on securing the debate. His point is so powerful that it deserves underlining. Does he share my concern that while that statistic of more than 600 deaths and not a single conviction remains, it is very hard to take seriously the Pakistan Government’s claim that they are tackling this matter?
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Alan Johnson (Kingston upon Hull West and Hessle, Labour)
The hon. Gentleman is right. I have huge respect for the country—I went to Pakistan when I was a Minister—and for the high commissioner, but I believe that that is the key point about the Hazara community: there is no sign of any of the perpetrators being brought to justice, and it is not simply the case that they are being held but the prosecuting authorities are not being successful. That is one of the major issues in this debate and the hon. Gentleman is right to draw attention to it.
The response of the authorities in Balochistan has been to restrict the movement of the Hazaras themselves—to forbid them entering certain districts and to apply travel restrictions—and to treat the murders with a mixture of complacency and complicity. Last September/October almost 50 Hazaras were taken from buses and wagons in separate incidents, lined up and killed. The Chief Minister of Balochistan responded with levity, saying in a television interview that he would send a truckload of tissue paper to the bereaved families. That is the kind of atmosphere in which the Hazaras are living. The authorities know that the Hazaras are a target for terrorist groups and that an al-Qaeda affiliate is seeking to make Pakistan, in their words, Hazaras' graveyard. They state that their mission is to eliminate “this impure sect” and people
“from every city, every village…and corner of Pakistan.”
Rehman Chishti (Gillingham and Rainham, Conservative)
I am grateful to the right hon. Gentleman for giving way. By way of declaration, Mr Deputy Speaker, I worked with Benazir Bhutto from 1999 to 2007. On the point about the Hazara community being affected, does the right hon. Gentleman agree that it is not the only community being affected? The Christian, Muslim, Sikh and Hindu communities are also suffering as a result of Pakistan’s having been a front-line state in the war against Russia and then in the war against al-Qaeda after 9/11. As a result, radicalisation and sectarian violence have spread from Afghanistan to Pakistan, leading to the murders of Benazir Bhutto and Shahbaz Bhatti, the Christian Minister. Of course I understand the right hon. Gentleman’s concern, but everyone has suffered as a result of the sectarian ethnic violence spreading from Afghanistan to Pakistan, not just the Hazara people.
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Alan Johnson (Kingston upon Hull West and Hessle, Labour)
I do accept that point; indeed, the high commissioner for Pakistan made the same point when he contacted me today about this debate. I shall say some things later about the difficulties that Pakistan is facing, but that must not detract from the fact that these killings are taking place on a daily basis. The authorities seem remarkably complacent about it and not a single perpetrator has been brought to justice.
While the movement of Hazaras is restricted, their pursuers walk freely in the city despite the heavy presence of the police, the army and the frontier corps who all have checkpoints in and around Quetta. The reason for that persecution is not just the Hazaras’ religion—they are predominantly Shi'a Muslims—but their genetic link to the Mongol people, which allows them to be recognised by their physical appearance. Hazaras are also persecuted because have pursued higher education, enrolled in the army and occupied senior positions in government, the civil service and civic society more generally. They are the kind of law-abiding citizen who would play an important role in a free, democratic Afghanistan and a peaceful and prosperous Pakistan. Thus, they are the enemies of a whole range of terrorist groups.
The persecution—some would say genocide—carried out against the Hazaras has been well documented by the United Nations, the Human Rights Commission of Pakistan and organisations such as the New York-based monitoring body Human Rights Watch. However, there
is insufficient awareness nationally and internationally about what the Hazaras are going through, despite the best efforts of the Hazara community and organisations such as the Hazara Organisation for Progress and Equality, or HOPE, which seeks to raise these issues in Parliaments around the world.
The attacks are intensifying. Hazaras are murdered when they stay in Quetta and killed when they try to leave. Fifty five young Hazaras were drowned in the waters of Indonesia on 20 December when trying to escape their perilous existence. The Hazaras believe that the religious militant groups carrying out these killings are state sponsored, and there is evidence for that assertion. The Asian Human Rights Commission reported on 6 January that the Pakistan army had created a militant organisation to kill intellectuals, activists and Hazaras in Balochistan. I have seen a copy of an official letter from the Government of Balochistan informing the military authorities and the police in Quetta about the presence of a man called Sabir Mehsood, whose stated aim was to murder Hazaras, but no action was taken to apprehend him. Thus, more than 80 Hazaras were killed in Quetta by this man and his fellow operatives last year.
The international community cannot allow this persecution to continue. There are significant Hazara populations in countries around the world, particularly in Australia, and these countries should co-ordinate and intensify their efforts. I know that the Minister is fully engaged in trying to pressurise the Pakistani authorities to protect the Hazara community in Quetta, and I know that the Foreign Secretary is equally committed.
Pakistan is an old, valued and trusted ally of the United Kingdom and is seeking to renew its democratic credentials after years of military rule. It is a country beset by problems, and its citizens have suffered at the hands of terrorists more than any other country in the world, as Rehman Chishti pointed out. However, the Pakistani Government must do more to root out state-supported terrorism wherever it exists. It undoubtedly exists in Quetta city, and the Hazaras are its principal victims. It is a good place to begin this process.
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6:10 pm
Iain Stewart (Milton Keynes South, Conservative)
I am grateful for the opportunity to make a short contribution to the debate. I congratulate Alan Johnson on securing it. I am happy to endorse all his points, which, in the interests of brevity, I will not repeat.
My interest in this issue, and that of my hon. Friend Mark Lancaster, stems from our having a large Hazara population in Milton Keynes. The headquarters of the Hazara Community of Great Britain charity are located in Bletchley in my constituency. It is a close-knit, progressive community, and it certainly makes a valuable contribution to the local community and wider civic life of Milton Keynes.
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Stella Creasy (Walthamstow, Labour)
I congratulate my right hon. Friend Alan Johnson on securing this debate. Like others, I have a Hazara community in my
constituency in north-east London. Does the hon. Gentleman agree that we can play an important role in supporting the Hazara community in Britain to come forward and raise concerns, and in engaging with the Foreign Office in making progress in Pakistan on some of these issues?
Iain Stewart (Milton Keynes South, Conservative)
I am happy to endorse that point. My hon. Friend the Member for Milton Keynes North has already met a delegation from the community and the Minister. They are deeply concerned, as the hon. Lady implied, about the plight of their relatives and the broader community in Pakistan, amid what are daily reports of killings and persecution.
As the right hon. Member for Kingston upon Hull West and Hessle said, there are concerns that these attacks are not being dealt with appropriately by the authorities in Pakistan. I join him in imploring the Minister to do all he can to influence the situation. Just a few weeks ago, we all commemorated world holocaust memorial day. The campaign this year was, “Speak up, Speak out”, and was aimed at challenging persecution and hatred wherever it existed in the world. This we must do for the Hazara people. I look forward to hearing what steps the Government are taking to address the situation.
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Rehman Chishti (Gillingham and Rainham, Conservative)
Will my hon. Friend give way?
Iain Stewart (Milton Keynes South, Conservative)
I was about to finish, but I will certainly give way.
Rehman Chishti (Gillingham and Rainham, Conservative)
Linked to the Hazara community, the other community that has suffered a lot as a result of radicalisation is the Christian community in Pakistan. We must do everything that we can to ensure that it gets its full right as well. Will he join me in paying tribute to Bishop Michael Nazir-Ali, the former Bishop of Rochester, who is from Pakistan and has done a lot on community cohesion and dialogue between all faiths?
Iain Stewart (Milton Keynes South, Conservative)
I am happy to do that. I was at the end of my comments, so on that note, I shall conclude.
6:14 pm
Alistair Burt (Parliamentary Under Secretary of State (Afghanistan/South Asia, counter terrorism/proliferation, North America, Middle East and North Africa), Foreign and Commonwealth Office; North East Bedfordshire, Conservative)
I thank Alan Johnson for securing this debate and for his usual courtesy in forwarding to me a copy of his remarks earlier this afternoon. I also thank other colleagues who have taken part and expressed their concerns—Stella Creasy and my hon. Friends the Members for Milton Keynes North (Mark Lancaster), for Milton Keynes South (Iain Stewart) and for Gillingham and Rainham (Rehman Chishti). We all share a passion for Pakistan and supporting human rights across a difficult and complex region. I have met and corresponded with several colleagues in the House on a number of human rights issues in Pakistan and welcome the opportunity to discuss them in a public forum.
Last December I spoke with the right hon. Gentleman and his Hazara constituent and was told about the day-to-day living conditions of the Hazara community in Quetta. I had previously met the constituents of my
hon. Friend the Member for Milton Keynes North, who raised similar concerns. I expressed my serious concerns about the discrimination of minorities in Pakistan and joined the right hon. Gentleman in condemning September’s appalling attacks in Balochistan, which left so many innocent people dead.
Before talking about the Hazara community in more detail, I will take the opportunity to set some of the issues in context, as my hon. Friend the Member for Gillingham and Rainham suggested. Sadly, sectarian violence is not isolated to Balochistan. Tragically, across the country the Pakistani people have suffered from the scourge of sectarian violence. Sunni and Shi’a alike have endured terrible violence, as have other minority communities. I join the Pakistani Prime Minister, Yousuf Raza Gilani, in condemning this week’s disgraceful attacks in Kohistan, which killed at least 18 Shi’a Muslims. It is vital that the perpetrators of all sectarian violence, including this week’s vicious attack, are brought to justice.
The United Kingdom and Pakistan have a long history and a strong relationship founded on mutual respect, mutual trust, and mutual benefit. Our respect for Pakistan’s sovereignty and territorial integrity is absolute, so we must be clear that the security of Balochistan, as with all provinces of Pakistan, is a matter for the people and Government of Pakistan. The improvement to regional security to which the international community is committed requires all countries to respect the sovereignty and territorial integrity of their neighbours.
Although sectarian violence across Pakistan is a growing concern, it is important to note the progress being made in a range of human rights areas, including removing reservations to human rights treaties. It is vital that Pakistan now works to ensure that it effectively implements the international human rights treaties to which it is a signatory. None of the communities of which we have spoken in the debate will truly be secure unless these advances are made.
At the dawn of Pakistan’s independence, Muhammad Ali Jinnah, in his presidential address to the first Constituent Assembly, outlined his belief that in Pakistan there should be
“no discrimination between one caste or creed and another”,
for Pakistan is founded with the
“fundamental principle that we are all citizens and equal citizens of one state”.
I have met many Pakistanis who are working tirelessly to realise that vision today, and none was more courageous than Minister Shahbaz Bhatti, whose work towards peaceful, moderate change was met with such brutal violence. Since his assassination I have twice met his brother, Dr Paul Bhatti, and underlined the UK Government’s support for human rights in Pakistan.
Human rights are intertwined with a wide range of issues, including education, stability and development. The UK’s engagement with Pakistan is therefore broad and strategic, covering education, economic stability, security, and cultural co-operation. The Pakistani Foreign Minister, Hina Rabbani Khar, had a successful visit to the UK last week, during which I discussed security and economic development with her and raised my concerns over the rights of religious minorities, including the Hazara community.
We work with international partners and the Pakistani Government to tackle the shared challenge of extremism and to increase Pakistan’s stability and prosperity. It is worth reminding all Members that Pakistan is on the front line of terrorism and makes bigger sacrifices in fighting it than any other country. In the 10 years since 9/11, more than 30,000 Pakistanis have been killed. The people of Pakistan will always have our sympathy, understanding and robust support in addressing terror.
The Pakistani Foreign Minister’s visit to the UK reflects the depth of our partnership and friendship. My right hon. Friend the Foreign Secretary held wide-ranging discussions with her, within the framework of our enhanced strategic dialogue, which strengthens practical co-operation between our two countries. They discussed the progress being made to create between the UK and Pakistan a deeper and broader dialogue, including on human rights, which will strengthen our friendship and promote mutual prosperity and security.
The many links between the UK and Pakistan mean that we can engage honestly and directly with each other on many subjects: counter-terrorism, security policy, immigration, trade, development, education and the rule of law. The theme that underlines all that, and the focus of our attention this evening, is human rights.
As the constitution of Pakistan lays down, all Pakistani citizens should be able to live their lives without fear of discrimination or persecution, regardless of their religious beliefs or their ethnic group. I assure the right hon. Gentleman that we regularly reinforce to our colleagues in the Government of Pakistan at all levels the importance of upholding those fundamental rights, and our strategic dialogue enables Ministers such as myself and my right hon. Friend the Foreign Secretary to do so on behalf of all minority communities in Pakistan.
The Government of Pakistan have taken positive action: they have reserved quotas in the public sector and in Parliament for minorities; they have set up complaints procedures for those encountering discrimination; and they have removed reservations to international human rights treaties. We will continue to support those who wish to see reform in Pakistan, and to raise human rights with the Pakistani Government. As I said, I raised my concerns about human rights with Foreign Minister Khar last week.
In 2011 I twice held constructive discussions with the Pakistani Prime Minister’s adviser on inter-faith harmony and minority affairs, Dr Paul Bhatti. Tomorrow, as some will know, marks the first anniversary of his brother’s assassination, serving as a poignant reminder not only of the need to tackle terrorism in order to support Pakistani progress on human rights, but of the losses that they have suffered. There is a process in place to ensure that inter-faith committees meet in the various provinces. I have seen it in action, and we are keen to continue to support it.
The plight of the Hazara community is connected to the wider regional dynamic. Hazara people fleeing repression in 19th century Afghanistan formed the beginnings of Pakistan’s Hazara. More refugees from Afghanistan followed throughout the 20th century, and Quetta’s population is now estimated to be made up of one third Hazara, with 600,000 in total in Pakistan.
The presence of the Afghan Taliban in Quetta has amplified the repression of Pakistani Shi’a, including Hazara, in the region. We welcome the progress made by the Hazaras of Afghanistan since the fall of the Taliban in 2001. It has seen high-profile Hazaras occupy key positions in the Afghan Government. In Kabul, UK officials engage with a range of Hazara interlocutors and continue to promote an inclusive political process. The Hazara community in Iran has also complained of mistreatment, and we will continue to appeal to Iran, including through the United Nations and the European Union, to respect human rights. Those details give Members a sense of how the Hazara community is treated throughout the whole region.
The specific issues of Hazara rights and of sectarian violence in Balochistan were raised with the Balochi authorities and with parliamentarians by British officials in October. Local discussion of those issues has continued since, with our officials engaging with, among others, Balochi members of the National Assembly.
The plight of Pakistan’s Hazara community, highlighted in this evening’s debate, will be recognised in the 2011 Foreign and Commonwealth Office human rights report, which is due to be published this month. Media reports claim that almost 700 Hazaras have been killed in Pakistan since 2004. In 2011, the Hazara in Balochistan suffered a number of major attacks, including on 19 September when gunmen killed 26 Hazara pilgrims returning from Iran. Lashkar-e Jhangvi claimed responsibility for that attack and has waged a sustained campaign of violence against the community. On 4 October attackers killed 13 passengers, mostly Hazara, travelling on a bus in Quetta. A major attack during the Shi’a processions marking Ashura was anticipated but did not occur.
Nawab Aslam Raisani, Chief Minister of Balochistan, formulated a committee on September 22 to probe the killing of 29 pilgrims in Mastung. I remain concerned about the low-key response of Pakistan’s authorities to September and October’s violent attacks. It is vital that those responsible are brought to justice. In the long term we should like to see improvements in Pakistani citizens’ access to justice throughout the country. The House may be assured that we will continue to press on these issues, in relation to that community and to others.
Enhancing the rule of law in Pakistan is vital to improving the plight of the Hazara community. A range of Government work is developing that is helping to improve the rule of law in Pakistan. For instance, we are developing a programme with Pakistan to enhance its ability to prosecute violent extremists, including working to enhance investigations, prosecutions, detentions, and legislation. The Department for International Development’s transformational work to address poverty and education will help to enhance Pakistan’s commitment to the rule of law. The UK is working with our European Union partners and the Government of Pakistan to look at ways of supporting reform and capacity building of Pakistan’s rule of law.
My hon. Friend Rehman Chishti raised, in particular, the Christian community. That gives me the opportunity to say how we try to deal with human rights more generally across the region. Our experience is that picking out one community rather than another is not always the most helpful way to address the issue. Because human rights
is an important issue right across the board, we find that many minorities are subject to these problems. Ensuring that the rule of law runs across all communities and that Governments are devoted to improving access to the rule of law and the rights of minorities across the board means that no minority can be picked out against another and that where there are those who would like to claim that favourable treatment is offered by those outside, that is not the case.
All are made more secure by attention to the rule of law, and all are weakened, including any minority community, by a Government’s failure to address the rule of law and human rights. That is why our policy is so determinedly aimed at the rights of communities across the board, whether it be those under pressure in Pakistan, Christian communities across the middle east, or individual communities such as the Hazara in Balochistan.
Alan Johnson (Kingston upon Hull West and Hessle, Labour)
I am pleased that the plight of the Hazara will—for the first time, I believe—be covered in the Foreign and Commonwealth Office human rights document. I understand what the Minister is saying about the persecution of other religions. However, does he agree, that if no one raises the persecution of a specific group, we will never discuss any terrorist targets? Does he agree that it is very difficult to find another religion or ethnic group in Pakistan that has quite the same level of apparent compliance in these murders, with absolutely none of the perpetrators brought to justice? If there are other groups—although this is not a contest to see who has been treated worst—I would be very surprised. There is a specific issue about the Hazara that needs to be addressed.
Alistair Burt (Parliamentary Under Secretary of State (Afghanistan/South Asia, counter terrorism/proliferation, North America, Middle East and North Africa), Foreign and Commonwealth Office; North East Bedfordshire, Conservative)
I acknowledge the right hon. Gentleman’s second point. He has referred to terrifying statistics about the absence of justice. As I said, we remain very concerned about the response of the Pakistani authorities to those statistics, and we will apply pressure in relation to them.
In response to his first point: absolutely. Hon. Members are bound to raise the issues of individual communities. The point of our approach is to set those cases in context so that we are not pitting one community against another by indicating that one is treated worse than another, and recognising that the absence of the rule of law and human rights can affect so many people. I think that we are all doing this in exactly the right way. The right hon. Gentleman and other hon. Members are absolutely right to raise certain different communities, as they have today. We are right in putting that into context and demanding justice for all, because unless there is justice for all, justice is denied for those who are outside that embrace.
The United Kingdom will continue to work with the leaders of Pakistan and its people—people who deserve to experience a stable and prosperous future, to enjoy vibrant democratic debate without fear of intimidation, and to live in a country where freedom of religion is not undermined by sectarian violence. We have a distinctive role to play in supporting that sort of Pakistan. I am grateful for the work of many Members of the House as we continue to work with Pakistan towards that vision.
Question put and agreed to.
House adjourned.
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BBC; Winter adventure on Afghanistan's ski slopes
Bamiyan was once renowned for the famous Buddha statues, destroyed by the Taliban in 2001. But now this central Afghan province is working hard to attract tourists to its snowy slopes with a ski festival, writes BBC Afghan's Ramin Anwari.
"Forget about war, forget about terrorism. For now, this is all about having fun," declares one participant at Bamiyan's international ski competition held in the mountains of Khoshkak, a 30-minute drive from the capital of Bamiyan province.
Although the ski competition is in its second year, this is the first time that foreigners have taken part. There are about 20 skiers from outside Afghanistan, alongside 10 local competitors who have been newly-trained.
This is part of an ambitious plan to promote adventurous activities in different parts of Afghanistan, a country exhausted by more than three decades of war and destruction....Continue Reading...
"Forget about war, forget about terrorism. For now, this is all about having fun," declares one participant at Bamiyan's international ski competition held in the mountains of Khoshkak, a 30-minute drive from the capital of Bamiyan province.
Although the ski competition is in its second year, this is the first time that foreigners have taken part. There are about 20 skiers from outside Afghanistan, alongside 10 local competitors who have been newly-trained.
This is part of an ambitious plan to promote adventurous activities in different parts of Afghanistan, a country exhausted by more than three decades of war and destruction....Continue Reading...
Tomorrow we will be killed —Dr Mohammad Taqi
It is up to the Pakistani minorities — the Shia, Ahmediyya, Christians, Hindus, Sikhs — whether they want to continue to ask the enablers of genocide to intercede on their behalf or raise the issue on every international forum possible
In his poignant account of the genocide in Rwanda ‘we wish to inform you that tomorrow we will be killed with our families: Stories from Rwanda’, Peter Gourevitch quotes from Plato’s The Republic: “Leontius, the son of Aglaion, was coming up from the Piraeus, close to the outer side of the north wall, when he saw some dead bodies lying near the executioner, and he felt a desire to look at them, and at the same time felt disgust at the thought, and tried to turn aside. For some time he fought with himself and put his hand over eyes, but in the end the desire got the better of him, and opening his eyes with his fingers he ran forward to the bodies, saying: ‘There you are, curse you, have your fill of the lovely spectacle’.”
So here I am again, cursing my eyes but still opening them with my fingers to see what has become a weekly spectacle in the land of the pure and the pious: yet another mass murder of the minorities. On February 28, 2012 armed men stopped a convoy of two buses and a van, travelling on the Karakoram Highway in the Kohistan district of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. Reportedly, the passengers had their identity checked at gunpoint. Some of them were ordered to dismount. They were then lined up and shot at point blank range. Nineteen of them died on the spot and eight are reported injured. The buses were returning to Gilgit-Baltistan from a pilgrimage of the Shiite Islamic holy sites in Iran. All those murdered were Shia. The terrorist group Jundallah has claimed responsibility for the executions.
At the time of this writing, the mainstream media had not reported the names of those executed. Let me state for the record that those killed were: Raza Ali, Hussain Ali, Karim Abbas, Anees Hussain, Kaleem Abbas, Hashmat Changezi, Mohsin Abbas, Muhammad Abbas, Mubashir, Idrees Ali, Owais Husain, Kaleem Abbas (of Barmas), Farhan Ali, Faraz Hussain, Tehseen Abbas, Saqalain, Asad Zaman, Ambareen and Fatima.
Within minutes of many obscure happenings the traditional and contemporary media are alight with the particulars of those events — some more trivial than a pinprick on the skin of history. But when it comes to the slaughter of the minorities in Pakistan there is a certain lag time in publishing even sketchy details. And then the tepid coverage itself never goes beyond a truncated news cycle compared to other issues and events that are regurgitated ad infinitum. Hardly an analysis or a talk show ever focuses on such mass atrocities. It is not clear why every such massacre becomes a Leontius moment for the media. Do they find the freshly executed corpses disgusting to look at or is it something else?
But my disgust is reserved for the executioners who stand atop their victims thumping their chests. Nay, they mount the centre stage at the Difa-i-Pakistan rallies in full view of the news media, gloating about their achievements. And what achievements might those be? Clearly, the ilk of Malik Ishaq of Lashkar-e-Jhangvi and Maulana Ahmad Ludhianvi of the Sipah-e-Sahaba Pakistan rechristened as the Ahle Sunnat Wal Jamaat (ASWJ) do not have any scientific inventions or charitable projects to their credit; their only claim to fame is the barbaric massacres of the Shia of Pakistan.
Holding hands with these bigots on the stage, spotted every week, are leaders of the mainstream political and religious parties like Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf and the Jamaat-e-Islami. The junta’s court jester Sheikh Rashid Ahmed of Rawalpindi, the son of that arch-hypocrite General Ziaul Haq, Mr Ijazul Haq, a former federal minister for religious affairs and minorities no less (woe be on his appointer) and the granddaddy of the Taliban, Maulana Sami-ul-Haq, are also seen on this stage. The common denominator between this parade of hate-mongers is their perceived, known or (in some cases) self-confessed association with the Pakistani army.
Much has been written about the relationship of the Pakistani army and its clients, the Takfiri jihadists, but what is interesting is that the Federal Interior Minister Rehman Malik has appointed an Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) man as part of the team supposed to investigate the present carnage. Maybe he did so in good faith. After all, many voices from the minority groups have been demanding safety and justice from the pack of wolves that passes for the state in Pakistan. In fact, the Shia and Ahmediyya never did notice that the Pakistani state, in which they were heavily vested, had shifted loyalties forty years ago. It is pertinent to note a letter written by seven Tutsi pastors who had taken refuge inside a Seventh-day Adventist church in Kibuye, Rwanda, after which Peter Gourevitch had titled his book.
The preachers and other Tutsis inside the church had known that the Hutus had marked them out for murder the next day. Out of luck and out of wit, the seven pastors decided to beseech the president of the Adventist Church, Pastor Elizaphan Ntakirutimana — a Hutu — to help rescue and protect them. They wrote:
“Dear leader, we hope that you are well in these times that are so trying. We wish to inform you that tomorrow we will be killed with our families...and we hope that you will intercede on our behalf and try to help us at this time, as a man of influence, as the president of the church, to go and talk to the mayor, to try and help stay the authorities who are planning to kill us.”
History records that all of the seven pastors were killed the next day along with hundreds of other Tutsis at the Mugonero complex. As is now well documented, the Pastor Ntakirutimana did not just fail to intercede on their behalf but, along with his son Dr Gérard Ntakirutimana, actually helped organise the pogrom! The father and son not only pointed the marauding Hutus to the Tutsi hideout but also helped transport them. The United Nations International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda later issued an indictment against Pastor Ntakirutimana for organising the massacres. He was convicted and sentenced to 10 years.
It is up to the Pakistani minorities — the Shia, Ahmediyya, Christians, Hindus, Sikhs — whether they want to continue to ask the enablers of genocide to intercede on their behalf or raise the issue on every international forum possible. The Baloch have a taken a lead in this for they know that those committing genocide and their handlers are repeat offenders and would not stop on their own.
The writer can be reached at mazdaki@me.com. He tweets at http://twitter.com/mazdaki
Daily Times
Friday, March 2, 2012
نخستین رقابت اسکیبازان خارجی و افغان در بامیان
به روز شده: 12:39 گرينويچ - جمعه 02 مارس 2012 - 12 اسفند 1390
بامیان برای ورزش اسکی بسیار مناسب دانسته می شود
نخستین مسابقه اسکی روی برف با شرکت ورزشکان داخلی و خارجی در منطقه کوهستانی بامیان در مرکز افغانستان برگزار شده است.
امیر فولادی، مسئول بخش برنامه ها در بنیاد توسعه ای آغاخان در بامیان گفت که در این مسابقه ۲۰ اسکی باز خارجی و ۱۰ اسکی باز داخلی شرکت داشتند.
شرکت کنندگان خارجی این مسابقه عمدتا از کشورهای بریتانیا، آمریکا، سوئیس و هند هستند.
به گفته مقام های دولتی در بامیان، هدف از برگزاری این مسابقه، که روز جمعه، ۱۲ حوت/اسفند در دامنه کوه "بابا" برگزار شد، جذب گردشگران خارجی و داخلی است تا این منطقه بتواند پای گردشگران را در چهار فصل سال به این منطقه بکشاند.
سال گذشته هم مسابقه اسکی در بامیان برگزار شده بود، اما در آن مسابقه تنها ورزشکاران داخلی شرکت داشتند.
این نخستین بار است که ورزشکاران خارجی در یک مسابقه اسکی در بامیان شرکت می کنند.
مهدی مهرآئین، روزنامه نگار محلی در بامیان می گوید که مسابقه روز جمعه با استقبال مردم مواجه شده و حضور خارجی ها هم در آن نسبتا خوب بوده است.
قرار است تا چند روز دیگر به مناسبت هشتم مارچ/ مارس، روز جهانی زن، نیز مسابقه ای با شرکت دختران و زنان اسکی باز، در بامیان برگزار شود.
پیش از این بامیان در فصل زمستان به دلیل سردی و برفگیر بودن، جاذبه چندانی برای گردشگران نداشت، اما حالا با فراهم شدن زمینه های ورزشی و سرگرمی های زمستانی، علاقمندی برای سفر به بامیان بیشتر شده است.
بامیان یکی از مشهورترین مناطق تاریخی افغانستان است که دو پیکره بزرگ بودا، در آن جا ساخته شده بود، اما در زمستان ۲۰۰۱ میلادی به وسیله طالبان منفجر شدند.
علاوه بر آن، هزاران مغاره ساخته شده در دل کوه، که در چند سده پیش از اسلام محل عبادت و آموزش راهبان بودایی بودند و همچنین شهرهای تاریخی غلغله و ضحاک در مرکز بامیان دیدنی هستند.
قلعه چهل برج در منطقه یکه اولنگ، در غرب شهر بامیان و چند محل دیگر در مرکز این ولایت هم از جاذبه های گردشگری بامیان محسوب می شوند.
BBC Farsi
بامیان برای ورزش اسکی بسیار مناسب دانسته می شود
نخستین مسابقه اسکی روی برف با شرکت ورزشکان داخلی و خارجی در منطقه کوهستانی بامیان در مرکز افغانستان برگزار شده است.
امیر فولادی، مسئول بخش برنامه ها در بنیاد توسعه ای آغاخان در بامیان گفت که در این مسابقه ۲۰ اسکی باز خارجی و ۱۰ اسکی باز داخلی شرکت داشتند.
شرکت کنندگان خارجی این مسابقه عمدتا از کشورهای بریتانیا، آمریکا، سوئیس و هند هستند.
به گفته مقام های دولتی در بامیان، هدف از برگزاری این مسابقه، که روز جمعه، ۱۲ حوت/اسفند در دامنه کوه "بابا" برگزار شد، جذب گردشگران خارجی و داخلی است تا این منطقه بتواند پای گردشگران را در چهار فصل سال به این منطقه بکشاند.
سال گذشته هم مسابقه اسکی در بامیان برگزار شده بود، اما در آن مسابقه تنها ورزشکاران داخلی شرکت داشتند.
این نخستین بار است که ورزشکاران خارجی در یک مسابقه اسکی در بامیان شرکت می کنند.
مهدی مهرآئین، روزنامه نگار محلی در بامیان می گوید که مسابقه روز جمعه با استقبال مردم مواجه شده و حضور خارجی ها هم در آن نسبتا خوب بوده است.
قرار است تا چند روز دیگر به مناسبت هشتم مارچ/ مارس، روز جهانی زن، نیز مسابقه ای با شرکت دختران و زنان اسکی باز، در بامیان برگزار شود.
پیش از این بامیان در فصل زمستان به دلیل سردی و برفگیر بودن، جاذبه چندانی برای گردشگران نداشت، اما حالا با فراهم شدن زمینه های ورزشی و سرگرمی های زمستانی، علاقمندی برای سفر به بامیان بیشتر شده است.
بامیان یکی از مشهورترین مناطق تاریخی افغانستان است که دو پیکره بزرگ بودا، در آن جا ساخته شده بود، اما در زمستان ۲۰۰۱ میلادی به وسیله طالبان منفجر شدند.
علاوه بر آن، هزاران مغاره ساخته شده در دل کوه، که در چند سده پیش از اسلام محل عبادت و آموزش راهبان بودایی بودند و همچنین شهرهای تاریخی غلغله و ضحاک در مرکز بامیان دیدنی هستند.
قلعه چهل برج در منطقه یکه اولنگ، در غرب شهر بامیان و چند محل دیگر در مرکز این ولایت هم از جاذبه های گردشگری بامیان محسوب می شوند.
BBC Farsi
A brief history of Hazara persecution
By Dr Saleem Javed
A refugee Hazara boy in the New Jalozai Camp
A bill in the US Congress that backs the Baloch "right of self-determination" days after a congressional hearing on Balochistan, and the emotionally charged reactions to these developments in Pakistan, both ignore the persecution of the Hazara community in the violence-hit province.
Analysts say the community is of no strategic or electoral importance to Pakistani leaders, and might be seen in the US as pro-Iran because it is Shia.
The Dari-speaking Hazara people live in Afghanistan, Pakistan and Iran, and are believed to be of Turk-Mongol descent. They are mostly Shia, with small Sunni and Ismaili minorities.
Hazaras in Afghanistan:
In a single incident in 1998, Iranian forces killed more than 630 refugees, mostly Hazaras, in the Safed Sang Camp detention center
According to Qaseem Akhgar, a prominent Afghan historian and political analyst, Hazara people have been living in Afghanistan for more than 2,000 years. Their persecution began after their land, the Hazarajat, was taken over by Amir Abdul Rehman Khan in the late 19th century. Hundreds of thousands of Hazara were killed, enslaved or forced to flee their homeland. Those who survived were persecuted by successive Afghan regimes. In 1933, a young Hazara highschool student Abdul Khaliq assassinated Nadir Shah, the king of Afghanistan, to avenge discrimination against his people.
The most recent spate of violence against the Hazara people began with the Taliban takeover of Afghanistan. They killed thousands of Hazaras in Bamiyan, Yakaolang and Mazar-e-Sharif with impunity from 1998 to 2001.
Hazaras in Iran:
The persecution of Hazaras began after their land was taken over by Amir Abdul Rehman Khan in the late 19th century
In Iran, the Hazaras are known as Khawaris, or Barbaris (barbarians), because of their phenotypic similarities with the Mongols. Most of them live in Mashhad, Turbat-e-Jam, Darrah Gaz and Nishaboor. Although a majority of Iranian population is Shia, the Khawaris are a marginalized community that has sought to protect their ethnic and cultural identity from state oppression. Iran also hosts a significant population of Hazara refugees from Afghanistan.
In a single incident in 1998, Iranian forces killed more than 630 refugees, mostly Hazaras, in the Safed Sang Camp detention center. A film about the incident was not shown in Afghanistan after what insiders call the Iranian president's "personal request" to his Afghan counterpart.
Hazaras in Pakistan:
Banned militant outfits have threatened to make Pakistan "a graveyard for the Shia Hazaras" and have asked them to leave the country by 2012
The Hazaras in British India were less marginalized and even joined the British army. In 1904, Major CW Jacob of the 126th Balochistan Infantry, who later became Field-Marshal Sir Claude Jacob, raised the 106th Hazara Pioneers with drafts from the 124th Duchess of Connaught's Own Balochistan Infantry and from his own regiment. They were a class regiment comprising eight companies of Hazaras. According to Hazara community leader Sardar Sa'adat Ali Hazara, "Among those who were recruited in various arms of the Indian Defence Services during World War II in 1939 was Gen Musa Khan. He later became the commander-in-chief of Pakistan Army, and was honoured for his services in the 1965 war against India."
Unfortunately, the persecution of Hazaras began in Pakistan in 1998 with the assassination of Gen Musa Khan's son Hassan Musa in Karachi. On July 4, 2003, 53 people died and 150 were hurt in a suicide attack on a Hazara mosque in Quetta. It was the first attack of its kind. Since then, more than 700 Shias, most of them Hazaras, have been killed in gun attacks, rocket attacks, mass killings and suicide bombings in Balochistan.
Banned militant outfits have threatened to make Pakistan "a graveyard for the Shia Hazaras" and have asked them to leave the country by 2012.
"The locations of the hideouts and training camps of the groups involved in attacks on Hazaras are not secret," Sardar Sa'adat said. "The government and the law-enforcement agencies seem to have no interest in protecting us."
The Hazara people are not allowed in certain parts of Quetta, including the Sariyab Road where Balochistan University is situated.
According to Asmat Yari, the president of Hazara Students Federation (HSF), "Almost 75% of Hazara students have quit the university and those who remain cannot attend classes because of fear." School attendance has also decreased by 10 percent this year, and college attendance by 25 percent. Parents do not let their children take exams in centers outside of the areas deemed safe for the Hazaras.
Thousands of young Hazaras have fled to Europe and Australia, often illegally, to escape the oppression. On December 20, 54 Hazara boys drowned when their boat sank near Java, Indonesia. Only seven bodies have been received so far. Another 23 Hazaras drowned near Malaysia on February 1.
"That the Hazara young men chose to leave Pakistan by taking such grave risks," the Human Rights Commission of Pakistan sad in a statement, "is a measure of the persecution the Hazara community has long faced in Balochistan."
Saleem Javed is a medical doctor by profession and a freelance journalist based in Quetta. He blogs at saleemjavid.wordpress.com and tweets @mSaleemJaved
Friday Times
A refugee Hazara boy in the New Jalozai Camp
A bill in the US Congress that backs the Baloch "right of self-determination" days after a congressional hearing on Balochistan, and the emotionally charged reactions to these developments in Pakistan, both ignore the persecution of the Hazara community in the violence-hit province.
Analysts say the community is of no strategic or electoral importance to Pakistani leaders, and might be seen in the US as pro-Iran because it is Shia.
The Dari-speaking Hazara people live in Afghanistan, Pakistan and Iran, and are believed to be of Turk-Mongol descent. They are mostly Shia, with small Sunni and Ismaili minorities.
Hazaras in Afghanistan:
In a single incident in 1998, Iranian forces killed more than 630 refugees, mostly Hazaras, in the Safed Sang Camp detention center
According to Qaseem Akhgar, a prominent Afghan historian and political analyst, Hazara people have been living in Afghanistan for more than 2,000 years. Their persecution began after their land, the Hazarajat, was taken over by Amir Abdul Rehman Khan in the late 19th century. Hundreds of thousands of Hazara were killed, enslaved or forced to flee their homeland. Those who survived were persecuted by successive Afghan regimes. In 1933, a young Hazara highschool student Abdul Khaliq assassinated Nadir Shah, the king of Afghanistan, to avenge discrimination against his people.
The most recent spate of violence against the Hazara people began with the Taliban takeover of Afghanistan. They killed thousands of Hazaras in Bamiyan, Yakaolang and Mazar-e-Sharif with impunity from 1998 to 2001.
Hazaras in Iran:
The persecution of Hazaras began after their land was taken over by Amir Abdul Rehman Khan in the late 19th century
In Iran, the Hazaras are known as Khawaris, or Barbaris (barbarians), because of their phenotypic similarities with the Mongols. Most of them live in Mashhad, Turbat-e-Jam, Darrah Gaz and Nishaboor. Although a majority of Iranian population is Shia, the Khawaris are a marginalized community that has sought to protect their ethnic and cultural identity from state oppression. Iran also hosts a significant population of Hazara refugees from Afghanistan.
In a single incident in 1998, Iranian forces killed more than 630 refugees, mostly Hazaras, in the Safed Sang Camp detention center. A film about the incident was not shown in Afghanistan after what insiders call the Iranian president's "personal request" to his Afghan counterpart.
Hazaras in Pakistan:
Banned militant outfits have threatened to make Pakistan "a graveyard for the Shia Hazaras" and have asked them to leave the country by 2012
The Hazaras in British India were less marginalized and even joined the British army. In 1904, Major CW Jacob of the 126th Balochistan Infantry, who later became Field-Marshal Sir Claude Jacob, raised the 106th Hazara Pioneers with drafts from the 124th Duchess of Connaught's Own Balochistan Infantry and from his own regiment. They were a class regiment comprising eight companies of Hazaras. According to Hazara community leader Sardar Sa'adat Ali Hazara, "Among those who were recruited in various arms of the Indian Defence Services during World War II in 1939 was Gen Musa Khan. He later became the commander-in-chief of Pakistan Army, and was honoured for his services in the 1965 war against India."
Unfortunately, the persecution of Hazaras began in Pakistan in 1998 with the assassination of Gen Musa Khan's son Hassan Musa in Karachi. On July 4, 2003, 53 people died and 150 were hurt in a suicide attack on a Hazara mosque in Quetta. It was the first attack of its kind. Since then, more than 700 Shias, most of them Hazaras, have been killed in gun attacks, rocket attacks, mass killings and suicide bombings in Balochistan.
Banned militant outfits have threatened to make Pakistan "a graveyard for the Shia Hazaras" and have asked them to leave the country by 2012.
"The locations of the hideouts and training camps of the groups involved in attacks on Hazaras are not secret," Sardar Sa'adat said. "The government and the law-enforcement agencies seem to have no interest in protecting us."
The Hazara people are not allowed in certain parts of Quetta, including the Sariyab Road where Balochistan University is situated.
According to Asmat Yari, the president of Hazara Students Federation (HSF), "Almost 75% of Hazara students have quit the university and those who remain cannot attend classes because of fear." School attendance has also decreased by 10 percent this year, and college attendance by 25 percent. Parents do not let their children take exams in centers outside of the areas deemed safe for the Hazaras.
Thousands of young Hazaras have fled to Europe and Australia, often illegally, to escape the oppression. On December 20, 54 Hazara boys drowned when their boat sank near Java, Indonesia. Only seven bodies have been received so far. Another 23 Hazaras drowned near Malaysia on February 1.
"That the Hazara young men chose to leave Pakistan by taking such grave risks," the Human Rights Commission of Pakistan sad in a statement, "is a measure of the persecution the Hazara community has long faced in Balochistan."
Saleem Javed is a medical doctor by profession and a freelance journalist based in Quetta. He blogs at saleemjavid.wordpress.com and tweets @mSaleemJaved
Friday Times
Thursday, March 1, 2012
Why We Couldn't Change Afghanistan
The West's military engagement in Afghanistan is entering its eleventh year and has another two years to go before the end of combat operations in 2014. Whatever the result of the international conferences that began last year in Istanbul and Bonn to elicit support for a successor state, one thing is clear: after Western forces draw down, Afghanistan won't bear much resemblance to the Western vision that fueled the intervention in the first place. However effective Western military organizations are in transitioning to Afghan control, the country's future will not be decided primarily by the residual structures and legacies of Western involvement, the current Taliban insurgency or even any formal process of reconciliation. Rather, it will be decided more by the country's ethnic character, the particular nature of local and national governance, and the influence of neighboring powers with enduring geopolitical and strategic imperatives in the region far stronger than those of the West.In other words, the future of Afghanistan will be determined by forces that antedate the latest Western effort to direct a turbulent area--and which probably will long survive this and future efforts to dominate the country. (An analysis closer to ground reality)...Continue Reading...
Incoming - Afghan Ski Challenge!
Second running of ski-touring race in war-torn Afghanistan supported by Canadian outdoors brand, Arc'teryx
by Jon
We doubt many of you are about to down tools and fly out to Afghanistan for the second Afghan Ski Challenge next weekend, but it's kind of uplifting to learn that the war-torn country is hosting a ski touring race in the Bamiyan region.
Bamiyan was once known worldwide for its giant statues of Buddha, but since they were destroyed and despite the war not affecting the region otherwise since 2001, the area has lost its tourist income and become desperately poor with visitor numbers shrinking from 150,000 per year to virtually nil.
It does, however, have perfect ski conditions and last year a small team formed from employees at Swiss Neue Zürcher Zeitung newspaper and local ski enthusiasts from Afghanistan decided to found the Bamiyan Ski Club and launch the first Afghan Ski Challenge – a backcountry ski touring race.
Last year ten locals learned to ski and competed in the first Afghan Ski Challenge, but this year, the event is open to international competitors for the first time with an entry fee of $500 which will be donated to local sports and educational projects in Afghanistan. You do get a limited edition event jacket though.
There's no mobile phone coverage or mountain rescue and local facilities are best decribed as basic, with 'rustic accommodation' and poor medical back-up and it's a long way to go for a 5km ski race, but it should be something you'll never forget.
The Afghan Ski Challenge takes place on 2 March, 2012 and you can find full details at www.afghanskichallenge.com.
Outdoor Magic
by Jon
Bamiyan was once known worldwide for its giant statues of Buddha, but since they were destroyed and despite the war not affecting the region otherwise since 2001, the area has lost its tourist income and become desperately poor with visitor numbers shrinking from 150,000 per year to virtually nil.
It does, however, have perfect ski conditions and last year a small team formed from employees at Swiss Neue Zürcher Zeitung newspaper and local ski enthusiasts from Afghanistan decided to found the Bamiyan Ski Club and launch the first Afghan Ski Challenge – a backcountry ski touring race.
Last year ten locals learned to ski and competed in the first Afghan Ski Challenge, but this year, the event is open to international competitors for the first time with an entry fee of $500 which will be donated to local sports and educational projects in Afghanistan. You do get a limited edition event jacket though.
There's no mobile phone coverage or mountain rescue and local facilities are best decribed as basic, with 'rustic accommodation' and poor medical back-up and it's a long way to go for a 5km ski race, but it should be something you'll never forget.
The Afghan Ski Challenge takes place on 2 March, 2012 and you can find full details at www.afghanskichallenge.com.
Outdoor Magic
Afghanistan avalanches kill at least 36 in central regions
By GHANIZADA - Wed Feb 29, 10:12 am
According to local officials in central Bamiyan and Daikundi provinces of Afghanistan, at least 36 Afghans were killed following winter freeze and avallanche incidents in these regions.
Provincial governor for Daikundi province Salman Ali Uruzgani said, at least 11 people were killed and 5 others were injured following avalanche breakups in various regions of Daikundi province.
He also added, two Afghan women and eight Afghan kids were also killed following winter feeze in this province.
Daikundi provincial governor Salman Ali Uruzgani also said, the highway between Daikundi to Neeli was closed until Tuesday.
In the meantime Bamiyan provincial governor Habiba Surabi said, at least 15 people suffered from avalanche in this province.
Provincial officials in Bamiyan province earlier also announced at least 30,000 Afghan families in 240 villages were threatened by shortage of drinking water.
Bamiyan governor Habiba Surabi warned of a catastrophe in this province if the central government does not take actions.
She urged the Natural Disasters Department to step up actions for resolving the issues of this province but officials in Natural Disasters Department said the such issues will be resolved by Rural Development Ministry.
According to reports, highways between Daikundi and Bamiyan provinces have been blocked due to heavy snow fall, which has affected the food prices as well.
Khaama Press
According to local officials in central Bamiyan and Daikundi provinces of Afghanistan, at least 36 Afghans were killed following winter freeze and avallanche incidents in these regions.
Provincial governor for Daikundi province Salman Ali Uruzgani said, at least 11 people were killed and 5 others were injured following avalanche breakups in various regions of Daikundi province.
He also added, two Afghan women and eight Afghan kids were also killed following winter feeze in this province.
Daikundi provincial governor Salman Ali Uruzgani also said, the highway between Daikundi to Neeli was closed until Tuesday.
In the meantime Bamiyan provincial governor Habiba Surabi said, at least 15 people suffered from avalanche in this province.
Provincial officials in Bamiyan province earlier also announced at least 30,000 Afghan families in 240 villages were threatened by shortage of drinking water.
Bamiyan governor Habiba Surabi warned of a catastrophe in this province if the central government does not take actions.
She urged the Natural Disasters Department to step up actions for resolving the issues of this province but officials in Natural Disasters Department said the such issues will be resolved by Rural Development Ministry.
According to reports, highways between Daikundi and Bamiyan provinces have been blocked due to heavy snow fall, which has affected the food prices as well.
Khaama Press
Mullah Omar Farman Plans to Destroy the Hazara Cultural and Historical Monument of the Buddahs of Bamiyan
Mullah Omar’s Farman (Official Order) to Taliban – A copy of this document (written in Pushto) was secured from Taliban’s Dept of Interior Ministry after US bombing in late 2001. The document is an order/policy by Mullah Omar to the Taliban commanders. Read the original order copy and translation on Afghanistan Press...
Tuesday, February 28, 2012
Monday, February 20, 2012
Unreported Suicides in Central Afghan Province
Women take poison to escape family troubles or forced marriage
By Jawed Bakhtari
Ghulam Rasul, 71, a short man with stooped shoulders had come to the marketplace in Nili, the main town of Daikundi province in central Afghanistan, to buy sugar, matches and candy. As he sat against the mud wall of a grocery shop under the hot sun, he told an IWPR reporter about three women in his village who had consumed rat poison in the past year. Two survived, and one died.
His village, Khalbarg, is in the Sang-i Takht district 150 kilometres from Nili. It took Ghulam Rasul, an influential figure in his village, about four hours to drive to Nili market in his aging Kamaz vehicle.
Ghulam Rasul said every year, several women in his village of about 500 households try to commit suicide, and often succeed. He said the government is never notified because most of the villagers are illiterate, do not have phones, and their only way of getting to Nili is by donkey or mule, a 24-hour trip.
An investigation report by IWPR suggests that at least 200 women commit suicide annually within the nine districts of Daikundi province. The data gathered by IWPR reporters indicates that the main factors are family violence and forced marriage.
The issue that has not been heavily researched either by the the government or by non-government organisations advocating for women’s rights in Afghanistan.
Ghulam Rasul did not give the name of the woman who died recently, but she was in her mid-twenties and recently married. He said she was the daughter of one Rauf Karbalai, and the wife of a man called Panahi, who had taken a second wife a year previously.
“These two wives were fighting each other every day in the house,” Ghulam Rasul said. “This is why Karbalai’s daughter finally ate rat poison.”
Ghulam Rasul said Panahi had been paying more attention to his second wife, aged 18, and had handed over management of the household money to her. He said he had heard from village women that this became intolerable for the first wife.
One day, a fight erupted between the two wives. According to Ghulam Rasul, “A few hours after the violence, a female neighbour, Zainab, entered the Panahi house to call on Karbalai’s daughter. Panahi’s second wife of Panahi told Zainab that Karbalai’s daughter had gone to her room and had been silent for the last few hours.”
The neighbour knocked on the bedroom door, but got no response. She looked into the room through a window and saw Karbalai’s daughter lying on the floor in an unusual position. Nearby was a glass containing a blackish liquid. Then she saw a white package of rat poison.
“The woman screamed, ‘Karbalai’s daughter has taken rat poison!’” Ghulam Rasul said. “Of course, the neighbouring women gathered, screaming and weeping. Meanwhile, a man from the neighbourhood called out, ‘Go and dig the grave and announce at the mosque that Panahi’s wife has passed away’.”
An IWPR reporter spent four months visiting 30 villages around Nili and interviewing more than 100 residents face-to-face, including at least 40 women.
These are mountainous, traditional villages where neither men nor women talk easily about suicide. Some husbands threatened to kill the IWPR reporter if he used their wives’ names in any news story.
The reporter managed to record interviews with 17 women who had attempted suicide in the past 16 months – using either rat poison or insecticide – but had survived. The reporter also talked to relatives of women who had committed suicide, and took photographs of some of their graves.
IWPR’s investigation suggests that since many people do not believe there is rule of law within Daikundi province, people are tempted to commit suicide instead of seeking justice via the legal system.
The Health and Women’s Affairs Department and the local office of the Afghanistan Independent Human Rights Commission, AIHRC, both say they can count the number of suicide reports they have received on one hand.
The AIHRC’s local officer for advocacy and women’s human rights development, Halima Bashardust, said her office received reports of only four suicide attempts in 2011, in all of which the individuals survived. The four women were upset with their husbands and troubled by family issues, and swallowed rat poison, Bashardust said.
She added that mistreatment following forced marriages was another likely cause of suicide attempts.
Asked why her office did not have more data on the number of females who commit suicide, Bashardust replied that very few women came to her office to file complaints against their husbands. She also admitted that coordination was poor among government agencies in Daikundi.
The IWPR reporter tried four times to contact either the head of the local department for women’s affairs, Khoi Rezai, or her deputy to talk about the issue, but was unsuccessful. A spokesperson for the department, a woman named Hasani, said, “The director is not at her office and we don’t have permission to give interviews.”
Bashardust said the government hospital at Nili was the only credible source for data on suicide attempts. In 2010, the hospital recorded 42 suicides – 25 women and 17 men.
When treating patients, doctors hear from the relatives of victims that many cases of attempted suicide are due to forced marriage, abuse at the hands of husbands, and fighting over household finances, Dr Qasemi, a physician at Nili Hospital, said.
The IWPR reporter spent several weeks walking the corridors of Nili hospital to find patients who had attempted suicide, or relatives.
One morning, he saw a Toyota minibus race to the hospital gate. Two men and three women jumped out of the vehicle carrying a woman wrapped in a blanket and hurried into the hospital.
The reporter tried to follow but could not see what was happening. Thirty minutes later, there were screams from the women inside the hospital, and the reporter realised that the patient had died.
The reporter approached the driver of the minibus, who was cleaning the windshield. “The dead girl was Fatema, an 18 year-old whose parents were living in Iran. She lived with her uncle in the village of Zojok in Shahrestan district,” the driver said.
“As far as I know, the uncle’s wife wanted to engage Fatema to her nephew, but Fatema would not agree to marry the man. Finally, her uncle’s wife made up her mind that Fatema had to be engaged within two days. As a result of that decision, violence erupted between Fatema and her uncle’s wife. In protest, Fatema left home to stay at a neighbour’s house.
“Having stayed the night, in the early morning she quietly took a lot of drugs from her neighbour’s shelf and swallowed them with a few glasses of water. She became unable to speak, and the neighbours took her to hospital.”
Akbar Mujahed, head of the criminal department for the police in Daikundi, said his department had no record of anyone filing a case about a female suicide attempt.
Mujahed did not deny that women attempted suicide, but said most people in Daikundi resolved such matters through community and tribal councils.
When told that Nili Hospital recorded 42 suicides in 2010, Mujahed said: “The police have not received any information in this regard, and this surprises us.”
Haji Daud, 71, is the tribal head of the village of Surma-Sang, near Nili. He usually mediates in disputes among people in the village, with the support of most community members.
The IWPR reporter approached Haji Daud and asked him why people did not believe in the government or the law, and came to him to settle their disputes instead.
In a loud voice, he replied that he was unable to talk to the media. “You broadcast my voice and story on the radio, yet these words that people speak with me are confidential. When people hear me speak in the media, they will never come to me,” he said.
More than a year has passed since the death of Karbala’s daughter. Now Panahi treats his second wife the same as he did with his first, according to neighbours.
Karbala’s daughter is buried on a hill where two winters have all but destroyed the grave. People from the village say none of her relatives has ever come to say prayers for her.
Mohammad Reja is an IWPR-trained reporter in Afghanistan
RAWA
By Jawed Bakhtari
Ghulam Rasul, 71, a short man with stooped shoulders had come to the marketplace in Nili, the main town of Daikundi province in central Afghanistan, to buy sugar, matches and candy. As he sat against the mud wall of a grocery shop under the hot sun, he told an IWPR reporter about three women in his village who had consumed rat poison in the past year. Two survived, and one died.
His village, Khalbarg, is in the Sang-i Takht district 150 kilometres from Nili. It took Ghulam Rasul, an influential figure in his village, about four hours to drive to Nili market in his aging Kamaz vehicle.
Ghulam Rasul said every year, several women in his village of about 500 households try to commit suicide, and often succeed. He said the government is never notified because most of the villagers are illiterate, do not have phones, and their only way of getting to Nili is by donkey or mule, a 24-hour trip.
An investigation report by IWPR suggests that at least 200 women commit suicide annually within the nine districts of Daikundi province. The data gathered by IWPR reporters indicates that the main factors are family violence and forced marriage.
The issue that has not been heavily researched either by the the government or by non-government organisations advocating for women’s rights in Afghanistan.
Ghulam Rasul did not give the name of the woman who died recently, but she was in her mid-twenties and recently married. He said she was the daughter of one Rauf Karbalai, and the wife of a man called Panahi, who had taken a second wife a year previously.
“These two wives were fighting each other every day in the house,” Ghulam Rasul said. “This is why Karbalai’s daughter finally ate rat poison.”
Ghulam Rasul said Panahi had been paying more attention to his second wife, aged 18, and had handed over management of the household money to her. He said he had heard from village women that this became intolerable for the first wife.
One day, a fight erupted between the two wives. According to Ghulam Rasul, “A few hours after the violence, a female neighbour, Zainab, entered the Panahi house to call on Karbalai’s daughter. Panahi’s second wife of Panahi told Zainab that Karbalai’s daughter had gone to her room and had been silent for the last few hours.”
The neighbour knocked on the bedroom door, but got no response. She looked into the room through a window and saw Karbalai’s daughter lying on the floor in an unusual position. Nearby was a glass containing a blackish liquid. Then she saw a white package of rat poison.
“The woman screamed, ‘Karbalai’s daughter has taken rat poison!’” Ghulam Rasul said. “Of course, the neighbouring women gathered, screaming and weeping. Meanwhile, a man from the neighbourhood called out, ‘Go and dig the grave and announce at the mosque that Panahi’s wife has passed away’.”
An IWPR reporter spent four months visiting 30 villages around Nili and interviewing more than 100 residents face-to-face, including at least 40 women.
These are mountainous, traditional villages where neither men nor women talk easily about suicide. Some husbands threatened to kill the IWPR reporter if he used their wives’ names in any news story.
The reporter managed to record interviews with 17 women who had attempted suicide in the past 16 months – using either rat poison or insecticide – but had survived. The reporter also talked to relatives of women who had committed suicide, and took photographs of some of their graves.
IWPR’s investigation suggests that since many people do not believe there is rule of law within Daikundi province, people are tempted to commit suicide instead of seeking justice via the legal system.
The Health and Women’s Affairs Department and the local office of the Afghanistan Independent Human Rights Commission, AIHRC, both say they can count the number of suicide reports they have received on one hand.
The AIHRC’s local officer for advocacy and women’s human rights development, Halima Bashardust, said her office received reports of only four suicide attempts in 2011, in all of which the individuals survived. The four women were upset with their husbands and troubled by family issues, and swallowed rat poison, Bashardust said.
She added that mistreatment following forced marriages was another likely cause of suicide attempts.
Asked why her office did not have more data on the number of females who commit suicide, Bashardust replied that very few women came to her office to file complaints against their husbands. She also admitted that coordination was poor among government agencies in Daikundi.
The IWPR reporter tried four times to contact either the head of the local department for women’s affairs, Khoi Rezai, or her deputy to talk about the issue, but was unsuccessful. A spokesperson for the department, a woman named Hasani, said, “The director is not at her office and we don’t have permission to give interviews.”
Bashardust said the government hospital at Nili was the only credible source for data on suicide attempts. In 2010, the hospital recorded 42 suicides – 25 women and 17 men.
When treating patients, doctors hear from the relatives of victims that many cases of attempted suicide are due to forced marriage, abuse at the hands of husbands, and fighting over household finances, Dr Qasemi, a physician at Nili Hospital, said.
The IWPR reporter spent several weeks walking the corridors of Nili hospital to find patients who had attempted suicide, or relatives.
One morning, he saw a Toyota minibus race to the hospital gate. Two men and three women jumped out of the vehicle carrying a woman wrapped in a blanket and hurried into the hospital.
The reporter tried to follow but could not see what was happening. Thirty minutes later, there were screams from the women inside the hospital, and the reporter realised that the patient had died.
The reporter approached the driver of the minibus, who was cleaning the windshield. “The dead girl was Fatema, an 18 year-old whose parents were living in Iran. She lived with her uncle in the village of Zojok in Shahrestan district,” the driver said.
“As far as I know, the uncle’s wife wanted to engage Fatema to her nephew, but Fatema would not agree to marry the man. Finally, her uncle’s wife made up her mind that Fatema had to be engaged within two days. As a result of that decision, violence erupted between Fatema and her uncle’s wife. In protest, Fatema left home to stay at a neighbour’s house.
“Having stayed the night, in the early morning she quietly took a lot of drugs from her neighbour’s shelf and swallowed them with a few glasses of water. She became unable to speak, and the neighbours took her to hospital.”
Akbar Mujahed, head of the criminal department for the police in Daikundi, said his department had no record of anyone filing a case about a female suicide attempt.
Mujahed did not deny that women attempted suicide, but said most people in Daikundi resolved such matters through community and tribal councils.
When told that Nili Hospital recorded 42 suicides in 2010, Mujahed said: “The police have not received any information in this regard, and this surprises us.”
Haji Daud, 71, is the tribal head of the village of Surma-Sang, near Nili. He usually mediates in disputes among people in the village, with the support of most community members.
The IWPR reporter approached Haji Daud and asked him why people did not believe in the government or the law, and came to him to settle their disputes instead.
In a loud voice, he replied that he was unable to talk to the media. “You broadcast my voice and story on the radio, yet these words that people speak with me are confidential. When people hear me speak in the media, they will never come to me,” he said.
More than a year has passed since the death of Karbala’s daughter. Now Panahi treats his second wife the same as he did with his first, according to neighbours.
Karbala’s daughter is buried on a hill where two winters have all but destroyed the grave. People from the village say none of her relatives has ever come to say prayers for her.
Mohammad Reja is an IWPR-trained reporter in Afghanistan
RAWA
Afghanistan stands by bidding process for Hajigak mine
KABUL, Afghanistan — Afghanistan's Ministry of Mines on Saturday rejected allegations of problems in the bidding for one of the country's largest mines, calling it "a fair and transparent process."
In a letter to McClatchy, the ministry's director-general for policy and promotion, A. Jalil Jumriany, said that the selection of bids for four blocks of the Hajigak iron ore mine in central Afghanistan was overseen by a team of Afghan government experts, and that a panel of international advisers found that the process was "conducted according to international standards."
However, Jumriany's letter did not challenge the main points in a McClatchy report published Friday, which raised allegations of flaws in the bidding process and that the winning bidders — a state-led Indian consortium and a Canadian firm — hadn't demonstrated that they could meet production targets....Continue Reading....
In a letter to McClatchy, the ministry's director-general for policy and promotion, A. Jalil Jumriany, said that the selection of bids for four blocks of the Hajigak iron ore mine in central Afghanistan was overseen by a team of Afghan government experts, and that a panel of international advisers found that the process was "conducted according to international standards."
However, Jumriany's letter did not challenge the main points in a McClatchy report published Friday, which raised allegations of flaws in the bidding process and that the winning bidders — a state-led Indian consortium and a Canadian firm — hadn't demonstrated that they could meet production targets....Continue Reading....
Allegations surface with 'jewel' Afghan mining deal
Afghanistan's mineral wealth has long been seen as a potential source of income that could sustain the troubled nation after US-led international forces withdraw in 2014. Afghanistan has massive bills to pay — particularly the costs of 300,000 soldiers and police that US-led forces are training — but some US experts believe that the country's mineral sector could generate as much as $1 trillion in revenue. Jon Stephenson and Ali Safi report from Kabul for McClatchy Media.
An Afghan-American company that failed to win a multibillion-dollar contract to develop one of Afghanistan's most lucrative mines alleges that the bidding process was riddled with irregularities and that the winning bidders may not be able to meet production targets.
The claims, which were backed by a former senior Afghan mining official, suggest that a potential key source of revenue for the Afghan government — which will be saddled with massive bills after US forces withdraw from the country — could be in jeopardy....Continue Reading....
An Afghan-American company that failed to win a multibillion-dollar contract to develop one of Afghanistan's most lucrative mines alleges that the bidding process was riddled with irregularities and that the winning bidders may not be able to meet production targets.
The claims, which were backed by a former senior Afghan mining official, suggest that a potential key source of revenue for the Afghan government — which will be saddled with massive bills after US forces withdraw from the country — could be in jeopardy....Continue Reading....
Firm alleges problems with major Afghan mining contract
Kabul—An Afghan-American company that failed to win a multibillion-dollar contract to develop one of Afghanistan’s most lucrative mines alleges that the bidding process was riddled with irregularities and that the winning bidders may not be able to meet production targets. The claims, which were backed by a former senior Afghan mining official, suggest that a potential key source of revenue for the Afghan government — which will be saddled with massive bills after U.S. forces withdraw from the country — could be in jeopardy. The Afghan-American firm, Acatco, was one of about two dozen bidders that competed for the right to extract minerals from the Hajigak iron ore mine in Afghanistan’s central Bamiyan province. Industry experts have called Hajigak the jewel of Afghanistan’s mining sector, McClatchy Newspapers reported. Contracts for developing four sections of Hajigak were awarded in November — three to a consortium of Indian firms led by the state-owned Steel Authority of India, or SAIL, and one to Kilo Goldmines, a Canadian firm. But Acatco said that these companies had failed to demonstrate they had the funds to carry out the project. “This is against the spirit and the letter of the tender documents,” Acatco president Nasir Shansab wrote last month to Afghanistan’s minister of mines, Wahidullah Shahrani. He added that “those bids should have been disqualified.” Acatco last week asked Afghanistan’s parliamentary complaints commission to investigate the Hajigak contracts, citing illegality and possible corruption in the bidding process. The commission had summoned Shahrani, but Shahrani was departing on an overseas trip and not appeared at the hearing. A former Afghan deputy minister of mines, Mohammad Akram Ghiasi, who resigned two years ago after accusing Shahrani of illegal and unprofessional conduct, told McClatchy in an interview, “If I was still deputy minister of mines, I would not have declared SAIL and Kilo as the winning bidders.” According to company officials, Acatco, based in Herndon, Va., was the only firm among the six that were short-listed in the bidding that had secured the funding to develop Hajigak. Shansab said the company had $1.2 billion in guaranteed funds. By contrast, he quoted numerous international media reports that said the Indian consortium would struggle to raise money for the project. SteelGuru, an Indian publication, quoted SAIL chairman C.S. Verma in a March 2011 story as saying that because of Afghanistan’s high level of risk, “banks and financial institutions will not take the risk to such an exposure. The consortium will not be in a position to raise money on its own, either.” Shansab also claimed that the royalties his firm had offered the Afghan government — $800 million a year for the first five years of operation, and a total of $20 billion over 20 years — were substantially higher than those offered by the winning firms. An internal Ministry of Mines evaluation of the bids that McClatchy obtained appeared to confirm this. The document shows that Kilo would pay from 3.5 percent to 7.5 percent of the per-ton price of iron, while SAIL would pay 5 percent of the per-ton price of steel and 6 percent of the per-ton price of iron, minus the cost of transportation to customers. Acatco was offering to pay 20 percent of the per-ton price of steel. Shansab also claimed that Acatco was the only bidder with a clear start date for production of steel from the mine, as the tender documents required. SAIL’s production would start in eight to 12 years and Kilo, which planned to produce iron, had made no commitment to produce steel, Shansab said. Acatco said it would have begun steel production by July 2015. Afghanistan’s mineral wealth has long been seen as a potential source of income that could sustain the troubled nation after U.S.-led international forces withdraw in 2014. Afghanistan has massive bills to pay — particularly the costs of 300,000 soldiers and police that U.S.-led forces are training — but some U.S. experts believe that the country’s mineral sector could generate as much as $1 trillion in revenue. The awarding of the contracts to a state-led Indian consortium was widely seen in Kabul as a guarantee that India, the economic power in South Asia, would remain committed to Afghanistan after international forces withdraw. Shansab said he had written three letters to Shahrani, the mines minister, detailing Acatco’s concerns about the Hajigak bidding process but hadn’t received a reply. He also wrote an email Feb. 9 to J. Alexander Thier, a senior official who works on Afghanistan and Pakistan at the U.S. Agency for International Development, saying: “This is also an important example of how the natural resources of the poverty-stricken Afghan people should not be squandered — not just for the sake of the people of Afghanistan but also for U.S. policy in view of post-2014 Afghanistan.” Thier and other U.S. officials in Kabul and Washington didn’t respond to McClatchy’s requests for comment.
A spokesman for Shahrani said the minister was not immediately available for an interview. Ghiasi, the former deputy mines minister, said the contracts had been decided “without any transparency.” “We know that one of the ways to rescue Afghanistan and the Afghan people from poverty is to give mining contracts to foreign companies,” Ghiasi said.
“But it must be based on transparency.”— NNI
Pakistan Observer
A spokesman for Shahrani said the minister was not immediately available for an interview. Ghiasi, the former deputy mines minister, said the contracts had been decided “without any transparency.” “We know that one of the ways to rescue Afghanistan and the Afghan people from poverty is to give mining contracts to foreign companies,” Ghiasi said.
“But it must be based on transparency.”— NNI
Pakistan Observer
Friday, February 17, 2012
The Functional Committee of Senate on Human Rights on Human rights violations in Balochistan
Human rights violations in Balochistan
Senate body seeks to ‘rein in’ spy agencies
* Committee expresses concern over poor Balochistan security
* Suggests government hold talks with ‘angry’ Baloch
By Mohammad Zafar
QUETTA: The Functional Committee of Senate on Human Rights on Wednesday expressed its serious concerns over violation of human rights in Balochistan and suggested laws to curb the powers of intelligence agencies.
The committee also expressed its concern over the recovery of mutilated bodies of missing persons, target killings of labourers, doctors, teachers and increasing incidents of kidnapping for ransom in the province.
The committee, which met under Afrasiab Khattak, said laws should be made to curtail the power and influence of security agencies and bring them under the democratic control of parliament.
Senators Surriya Amiruddin, Farhat Abbas and Hafiz Rasheed also attended the committee’s meeting. Balochistan Home Secretary Naseebullah Bazai gave a briefing to committee members. The committee rejected a report of by the Balochistan Home Department about the law and order situation and human rights violations in the province.
Addressing a news conference, Afrasiab Khattak said the committee had met in Quetta to assess the prevailing security situation in the province. “Human rights condition is deteriorating here, particularly with the recovery of mutilated bodies of political leaders and increasing incidents of kidnappings,” he said.
“This act is giving a message that state and its institutions do not consider them [the victims of target killings] their own people. It is common perception here that that secret agencies are involved in enforced disappearances and dumping the mutilated bodies. If it is true, the government should control its institutions since this act is badly damaging the sovereignty of the country.”
Khattak said some militant groups are also targeting labourers and teachers. “The violence in every shape is wrong and unjustified. Those who are involved in these killings are also not well-wisher of Balochistan,” he said.
Committee members said target killings of people from the Hazara community was not sectarian violence rather an act of terrorism, adding that terrorist groups were behind these killings. The committee also sought a report about the murder of police surgeon Dr Baqar Shah – a key witness of the Kharotabad massacre of foreign nationals.
Khattak said committee would pressurise the provincial government to ensure protection of life and property of minorities because the province is also witnessing a sharp rise in the kidnappings of Hindu people. He said the government could not wash it hands of responsibility by stating that “foreign elements” are involved in disturbing peace in the province.
“They should investigate what kind of circumstances have paved the way for foreign elements. People will look towards foreigners when their rights are trampled down by their own people.”
The committee said that the government should hold negotiations with angry Baloch to address their grievances.
“The government should take all Baloch political parties in confidence for negotiations. If it can hold talks with Taliban, what’s wrong in persuading Baloch brothers?” he questioned.
Daily Times
Senate body seeks to ‘rein in’ spy agencies
* Committee expresses concern over poor Balochistan security
* Suggests government hold talks with ‘angry’ Baloch
By Mohammad Zafar
QUETTA: The Functional Committee of Senate on Human Rights on Wednesday expressed its serious concerns over violation of human rights in Balochistan and suggested laws to curb the powers of intelligence agencies.
The committee also expressed its concern over the recovery of mutilated bodies of missing persons, target killings of labourers, doctors, teachers and increasing incidents of kidnapping for ransom in the province.
The committee, which met under Afrasiab Khattak, said laws should be made to curtail the power and influence of security agencies and bring them under the democratic control of parliament.
Senators Surriya Amiruddin, Farhat Abbas and Hafiz Rasheed also attended the committee’s meeting. Balochistan Home Secretary Naseebullah Bazai gave a briefing to committee members. The committee rejected a report of by the Balochistan Home Department about the law and order situation and human rights violations in the province.
Addressing a news conference, Afrasiab Khattak said the committee had met in Quetta to assess the prevailing security situation in the province. “Human rights condition is deteriorating here, particularly with the recovery of mutilated bodies of political leaders and increasing incidents of kidnappings,” he said.
“This act is giving a message that state and its institutions do not consider them [the victims of target killings] their own people. It is common perception here that that secret agencies are involved in enforced disappearances and dumping the mutilated bodies. If it is true, the government should control its institutions since this act is badly damaging the sovereignty of the country.”
Khattak said some militant groups are also targeting labourers and teachers. “The violence in every shape is wrong and unjustified. Those who are involved in these killings are also not well-wisher of Balochistan,” he said.
Committee members said target killings of people from the Hazara community was not sectarian violence rather an act of terrorism, adding that terrorist groups were behind these killings. The committee also sought a report about the murder of police surgeon Dr Baqar Shah – a key witness of the Kharotabad massacre of foreign nationals.
Khattak said committee would pressurise the provincial government to ensure protection of life and property of minorities because the province is also witnessing a sharp rise in the kidnappings of Hindu people. He said the government could not wash it hands of responsibility by stating that “foreign elements” are involved in disturbing peace in the province.
“They should investigate what kind of circumstances have paved the way for foreign elements. People will look towards foreigners when their rights are trampled down by their own people.”
The committee said that the government should hold negotiations with angry Baloch to address their grievances.
“The government should take all Baloch political parties in confidence for negotiations. If it can hold talks with Taliban, what’s wrong in persuading Baloch brothers?” he questioned.
Daily Times
Wednesday, February 15, 2012
Red tape delayed search for missing refugee boat
AN ASYLUM-SEEKER boat that is believed to have sunk, drowning 105 Hazaras on board, was left floundering and ''taking on water'' for almost four hours before Australian authorities activated a rescue mission.
Customs and Border Protection officials admitted in a Senate estimates hearing on Tuesday that red tape was the reason for the delay in relaying the distressed boat's co-ordinates to Australia's sea rescue agency.
The boat carrying men, women and children went missing on October 3, 2009, on its way from Indonesia to Christmas Island, after Australian authorities learnt it was in distress. Those on board have vanished and relatives fear they have all drowned....Continue Reading....
Customs and Border Protection officials admitted in a Senate estimates hearing on Tuesday that red tape was the reason for the delay in relaying the distressed boat's co-ordinates to Australia's sea rescue agency.
The boat carrying men, women and children went missing on October 3, 2009, on its way from Indonesia to Christmas Island, after Australian authorities learnt it was in distress. Those on board have vanished and relatives fear they have all drowned....Continue Reading....
Tuesday, February 14, 2012
SAIL-led group to invest Rs 1,500 cr in first phase of Hajigak exploration
Priyadarshi Siddhanta : New Delhi, Mon Feb 13 2012,
The SAIL-led consortium is planning to invest Rs 1,500 crore on its own in funding the first phase of exploration activities in the Hajigak iron ore mines in Afghanistan. The consortium, Afghan Iron and Steel Company (AFISCO), is likely to commence exploration from July this year.
It had, in last November, bagged the bid for mining three iron ore blocks located in the Bamiyan province, 130 km west of Kabul, which together hold an estimated 1.28 billion tonnes of high grade iron ore reserves. SAIL has 20 per cent stake in AFISCO, while NMDC and RINL each hold a stake of 18 per cent. JSW Steel and JSPL hold 16 per cent each, while JSW Ispat and Monnet Ispat & Energy hold 8 per cent and 4 per cent respectively.
“We have already held several rounds of discussions with the Afghan mines ministry and intend to conclude talks by March. We plan to invest Rs 1,500 crore on our own to begin the initial exploration activities in the first phase by July. We have indicated our need for financial support to the government as it is crucial for the project. But one thing must be clear that if we have to proceed ahead with the proposed steel plant, we will definitely need financial support,” the consortium chief and SAIL Chairman C S Verma told The Indian Express.
In a recent letter Verma has asked the steel ministry to apprise the Prime Minister’s Office of the need for monetary assistance. The syndicate will have to spend nearly Rs 50,000 crore for exploring the mine and developing the evacuation infrastructure. The ministry is understood to have conveyed the consortium’s fiscal constraints to the finance and external affairs ministries, but as of now there is no assurance from any quarters in this connection.
Earlier during the course of a high-level meeting, external affairs ministry officials had indicated that the government can consider dipping into 15 per cent of the Rs 5,850 crore corpus set aside for executing developmental projects in Afghanistan. The consortium’s concerns have compounded as Afghanistan is said to be in the negative list of the multilateral funding agencies. The Centre is also exploring the possibility of extending a credit line for the project, sources said.
Indian Express
The SAIL-led consortium is planning to invest Rs 1,500 crore on its own in funding the first phase of exploration activities in the Hajigak iron ore mines in Afghanistan. The consortium, Afghan Iron and Steel Company (AFISCO), is likely to commence exploration from July this year.
It had, in last November, bagged the bid for mining three iron ore blocks located in the Bamiyan province, 130 km west of Kabul, which together hold an estimated 1.28 billion tonnes of high grade iron ore reserves. SAIL has 20 per cent stake in AFISCO, while NMDC and RINL each hold a stake of 18 per cent. JSW Steel and JSPL hold 16 per cent each, while JSW Ispat and Monnet Ispat & Energy hold 8 per cent and 4 per cent respectively.
“We have already held several rounds of discussions with the Afghan mines ministry and intend to conclude talks by March. We plan to invest Rs 1,500 crore on our own to begin the initial exploration activities in the first phase by July. We have indicated our need for financial support to the government as it is crucial for the project. But one thing must be clear that if we have to proceed ahead with the proposed steel plant, we will definitely need financial support,” the consortium chief and SAIL Chairman C S Verma told The Indian Express.
In a recent letter Verma has asked the steel ministry to apprise the Prime Minister’s Office of the need for monetary assistance. The syndicate will have to spend nearly Rs 50,000 crore for exploring the mine and developing the evacuation infrastructure. The ministry is understood to have conveyed the consortium’s fiscal constraints to the finance and external affairs ministries, but as of now there is no assurance from any quarters in this connection.
Earlier during the course of a high-level meeting, external affairs ministry officials had indicated that the government can consider dipping into 15 per cent of the Rs 5,850 crore corpus set aside for executing developmental projects in Afghanistan. The consortium’s concerns have compounded as Afghanistan is said to be in the negative list of the multilateral funding agencies. The Centre is also exploring the possibility of extending a credit line for the project, sources said.
Indian Express
Rights activists demand prosecution for Afshar massacre
Civil activists and a number of residents in central Bamiyan province of Afghanistan following a demonstrations urged that the criminals behind the war crime at Afshar in Kabul should face trial.
Dozens of civilians were killed during the Afshar incident when capital Kabul was witnessing growing civil war violence between the Mujahideen groups.
The organizers of the demonstration urged the judiciary institutions and Human Rights Commission to condemn the massacre of Afghan civilians in Afshar.
Dozens of Afghan civilians were killed 19 years ago while the Mujahideen groups were struggling to take control of the Afshar and its neighboring zones.
The exact number of civilians killed in Afshar is not exactly known so far.
The families of the victims organize a memorial ceremony each year to remember their dear ones who were killed during the incident and urge that the criminals should face trial but the Afghan government and judiciary officials have not taken any steps so far.
The demonstrators following a statement said, the people of Bamiyan and civil activists of this province condemn the massacre of Afshar and urge for the trial of those involved behind the deadly incident.
Officials in Afghan Independent Human Rights Commission said Afshar massacre is one of the main instances of human rights violations in Afghanistan and said they have prepared a documentary of the incident and have prepared a report as well.
Wahidullah Arghoon a human rights advocate said, there are figures in the Afghan government who are preventing the broadcast of the report on Afshar massacre, despite the Afghan government and International Community agreed that the human rights commission should prepare documentaries of the past incidents which took place in Afghanistan.
The program was launched under the name of “Transitional Justice” and was completed by Independent Human Rights Commission of Afghanistan.
According to Afghan Independent Human Rights Commission, the documentary work of war crimes which took place during 30 years of civil war in Afghanistan and they have collected various documents in this regard.
However the documentary has not been broadcasted which shows the presence of some influential figures in the Afghan government that prevents the broadcast work.
Khama Press
Dozens of civilians were killed during the Afshar incident when capital Kabul was witnessing growing civil war violence between the Mujahideen groups.
The organizers of the demonstration urged the judiciary institutions and Human Rights Commission to condemn the massacre of Afghan civilians in Afshar.
Dozens of Afghan civilians were killed 19 years ago while the Mujahideen groups were struggling to take control of the Afshar and its neighboring zones.
The exact number of civilians killed in Afshar is not exactly known so far.
The families of the victims organize a memorial ceremony each year to remember their dear ones who were killed during the incident and urge that the criminals should face trial but the Afghan government and judiciary officials have not taken any steps so far.
The demonstrators following a statement said, the people of Bamiyan and civil activists of this province condemn the massacre of Afshar and urge for the trial of those involved behind the deadly incident.
Officials in Afghan Independent Human Rights Commission said Afshar massacre is one of the main instances of human rights violations in Afghanistan and said they have prepared a documentary of the incident and have prepared a report as well.
Wahidullah Arghoon a human rights advocate said, there are figures in the Afghan government who are preventing the broadcast of the report on Afshar massacre, despite the Afghan government and International Community agreed that the human rights commission should prepare documentaries of the past incidents which took place in Afghanistan.
The program was launched under the name of “Transitional Justice” and was completed by Independent Human Rights Commission of Afghanistan.
According to Afghan Independent Human Rights Commission, the documentary work of war crimes which took place during 30 years of civil war in Afghanistan and they have collected various documents in this regard.
However the documentary has not been broadcasted which shows the presence of some influential figures in the Afghan government that prevents the broadcast work.
Khama Press
Expert Working Group releases recommendations for Bamiyan Valley, Afghanistan
Tuesday, February 14, 2012
Expert Working Group meeting held in Tokyo, releases recommendations for Safeguarding World Heritage property of the Bamiyan Valley, Afghanistan
Following their meeting in UNESCO Headquarters in March 2011, a group of Afghan and international experts working on the safeguarding of Bamiyan (Afghanistan), as well as representatives of the Afghan and Japanese governments and UNESCO, have released a list of recommendations for further activities to preserve the Bamiyan site. The 10th Expert Working Group Meeting for the safeguarding of the cultural landscape and archaeological remains of the Bamiyan Valley World Heritage property was successfully held in Tokyo, Japan from 6 to 8 December 2011, in close collaboration with the National Research Institute for Cultural Properties, Tokyo, and the Afghan authorities.
Building on the previous meetings, officials from the Afghan Government, national and international experts formulated a list of recommendations regarding the future activities for the preservation of the Bamiyan site. They addressed various areas, including archaeology, management and cultural master plan, capacity-building as well as the conservation and interpretation of the Buddha niches and fragments.
The Expert Working Group was formed in 2002 to coordinate all cultural projects in the country entrusted to UNESCO by the Afghan government. This latest meeting aimed to clarify a programme of safeguarding to be implemented in the future Japan Funds-in-Trust Bamiyan Phase IV project, 1,5 million US dollars for the period of early 2012 to mid 2014, and to advise UNESCO and the Afghan authorities on issues related to the conservation of the Bamiyan World Heritage property.
The discussion emphasized the central importance of a cultural development approach in Bamiyan that incorporates and demonstrates the contribution of culture to sustainable livelihoods, education and the promotion of peace in Afghanistan. The meeting also served as a vector for the coordination of international efforts and as a discussion concerning a range of issues that included infrastructure and development plans of the Afghan Government for Bamiyan in the short and long term and the broader spectrum of heritage management challenges facing Bamiyan and its population.
The Bamiyan Expert Working Group also recognised that the current initiatives for the conservation and sustainable management of the World Heritage property of Bamiyan are fully in line with the UNDAF (United Nations Assistance Development Framework) and the Afghan National Development Strategy. The participants considered that the conservation of this outstanding heritage site contributes to promoting peace and fostering sustainable development, for the people of Bamiyan in particular, and in Afghanistan as a whole, by demonstrating the possibility of building sustainable communities by fostering cultural diversity and an appropriate use of the natural and cultural environment.
UNESCO
Following their meeting in UNESCO Headquarters in March 2011, a group of Afghan and international experts working on the safeguarding of Bamiyan (Afghanistan), as well as representatives of the Afghan and Japanese governments and UNESCO, have released a list of recommendations for further activities to preserve the Bamiyan site. The 10th Expert Working Group Meeting for the safeguarding of the cultural landscape and archaeological remains of the Bamiyan Valley World Heritage property was successfully held in Tokyo, Japan from 6 to 8 December 2011, in close collaboration with the National Research Institute for Cultural Properties, Tokyo, and the Afghan authorities.
Building on the previous meetings, officials from the Afghan Government, national and international experts formulated a list of recommendations regarding the future activities for the preservation of the Bamiyan site. They addressed various areas, including archaeology, management and cultural master plan, capacity-building as well as the conservation and interpretation of the Buddha niches and fragments.
The Expert Working Group was formed in 2002 to coordinate all cultural projects in the country entrusted to UNESCO by the Afghan government. This latest meeting aimed to clarify a programme of safeguarding to be implemented in the future Japan Funds-in-Trust Bamiyan Phase IV project, 1,5 million US dollars for the period of early 2012 to mid 2014, and to advise UNESCO and the Afghan authorities on issues related to the conservation of the Bamiyan World Heritage property.
The discussion emphasized the central importance of a cultural development approach in Bamiyan that incorporates and demonstrates the contribution of culture to sustainable livelihoods, education and the promotion of peace in Afghanistan. The meeting also served as a vector for the coordination of international efforts and as a discussion concerning a range of issues that included infrastructure and development plans of the Afghan Government for Bamiyan in the short and long term and the broader spectrum of heritage management challenges facing Bamiyan and its population.
The Bamiyan Expert Working Group also recognised that the current initiatives for the conservation and sustainable management of the World Heritage property of Bamiyan are fully in line with the UNDAF (United Nations Assistance Development Framework) and the Afghan National Development Strategy. The participants considered that the conservation of this outstanding heritage site contributes to promoting peace and fostering sustainable development, for the people of Bamiyan in particular, and in Afghanistan as a whole, by demonstrating the possibility of building sustainable communities by fostering cultural diversity and an appropriate use of the natural and cultural environment.
UNESCO
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