Azaranica is a non-biased news aggregator on Hazaras. The main aim is to promote understanding and respect for cultural identities by highlighting the realities they face on daily basis...Hazaras have been the victim of active persecution and discrimination and one of the reasons among many has been the lack of information, awareness, and disinformation.

Sunday, November 7, 2010

Afghanistan's oppressed Hazaras use vote to claim a voice

Agence France-PresseKabul, November 07, 2010
First Published: 08:17 IST(7/11/2010)
Last Updated: 08:18 IST(7/11/2010)

Afghanistan's most repressed ethnic group, the Hazaras, have used their vote in recent parliamentary elections to win themselves a political voice that could change their fate. Throughout the war-shattered country's history, Hazaras have occupied the bottom rung of society, and as Shia Muslims in a country dominated by Sunnis were brutalised by a succession of rulers.

In post-Taliban Afghanistan, however, Hazaras are making democracy work for them, and look likely to take 20% of the seats in the recent parliamentary poll. "Hazaras have always been repressed and abused by their rulers," said Ahmad, a Hazara intellectual who refused to give his surname because of the political sensitivity of the issue. "The new system, the democracy that we have had since the fall of the Taliban, is seen by Hazaras as a great chance to prove their existence."
Hazaras account for 10-15% of Afghanistan's population, which is estimated to be 30 million, although there are official census data. They dominate the country's central highlands, a region surrounded by the conservative Pashtuns, Afghanistan's traditional rulers from the south and east, and the urbanised, liberal Tajiks in the north and west.
For most of the past 200 years, Hazaras -- descendants of Mongol conqueror Ghengis Khan, whose hordes rampaged across the region in the 13th century -- have been treated as second-class citizens, banished to low-status, low-income jobs.
Whenever Hazaras have risen against the repression, they have been brutally subdued by their Pashtun rulers, who sometimes massacred entire clans and then doubled taxes on others.
The Taliban, the ultra-conservative Islamists who ruled Afghanistan from 1996-2001, kept up the tradition and made abusing the Hazaras one of the defining points of their brutal regime.
But since the Taliban were thrown out of power in a US-led invasion, the Hazaras have learned how to make the new system, a Western-backed democracy, work in their favour.
The September 18 parliamentary poll, the country's second since the end of the Taliban era, marked a significant milestone on the Hazaras' rocky journey to equality. Preliminary results show that Hazara candidates won more than 50 of the 249 seats in the lower house of parliament, the Wolesi Jirga.
"As a Hazara I'm absolutely satisfied with the results," said Ahmad, reflecting the growing confidence of the Hazara community.

News Source: http://www.hindustantimes.com/Afghanistan-s-oppressed-Hazaras-use-vote-to-claim-a-voice/Article1-622934.aspx

Tuesday, November 2, 2010

Afghan refugees tune in

 
28 Oct, 2010 02:56 PM
 
FREE speech can often be taken for granted by Australians but for the refugee Hazara people from Afghanistan it is a gift to be treasured.
This month the radio airwaves of Parramatta and Holroyd were graced for the first time by the Hazaragi language (a dialect of Persian).

Keen to exercise rights denied them in their homeland, the Hazaras have set up a Sunday evening radio show on 2CCRfm 90.5.

‘‘When people come to Australia their basic needs are provided; what’s missing is the psychological and cultural teaching around values,’’ voice of the show Mosa Gherjestani from Merrylands said.

‘‘People should be made aware of the system and the things they should do to get a good outcome for themselves and to be productive in the community.’’

Radio Payam attempts to bridge the gap between Afghan refugees and the Australian lifestyle, while preserving their culture.

■ The Hazara radio show broadcasts 6pm on Sunday and at least 500 Hazara families have begun to listen.

News Source: http://www.parramattasun.com.au/news/local/news/general/afghan-refugees-tune-in/1982089.aspx

Billions in Afghan aid fail to beat medieval disease

 
YAKAWLANG, Afghanistan — Mossa lives on the top of an Afghan mountain four hours' walk from the nearest road in one of the poorest parts of the world and cannot remember the last time he washed.
A creeping pattern that looks like a fossilised fern decorates his right forearm -- the tell-tale sign that he has leprosy.
His body has gone into shock as it reacts to the infection, said Dr Ali Moral, who points to the 17-year-old's swollen red face, arms and legs.
"The first sign of the disease is the skin lesions with no sensation -- no burning, irritation, itching or pain, just no sensation at all," Moral said, prodding Mossa's arm to prove its numbness.
"The nerves become enlarged and thick. Then the eyebrows fall out -- that is another major tell-tale sign. Then the eyelids become perforated and paralysed, the patient cannot close the eyes so they can't blink, the eyes become dry and eventually they go blind.
"The hands become clubbed," he said, illustrating the effect by tightening his fingers into claws. "The nerves pull the fingers inwards. It destroys the eyes, hands and feet. They are disfigured for all their life."
Leprosy is a disease that conjures up visions of medieval dirt, destitution and extreme disfigurement, of people confined to colonies while parts of their body -- fingers, toes, nose -- rot and fall off, and where they eventually die.
While today's reality is a long way from that apocryphal picture, that the disease still exists in Afghanistan is a commentary on how little development has come since the Taliban were overthrown in a US-led invasion.
Despite tens of billions of dollars in aid money flowing into the country since 2001, living conditions for millions of Afghans have changed little from those of centuries ago.
The Afghan government of President Hamid Karzai has complained that it lacks control over much of the aid money -- more than 40 billion dollars in less than a decade -- and that oversight by donors is so poor cash is easily diverted or embezzled.
Officials have estimated that about a third of the money has gone directly to the firms that win the development contracts from donors such as USAID.
Many billions are believed to have disappeared into Afghanistan's maw of official corruption, or been wasted on misguided or short-sighted projects.
A US government audit last month found that around 18 billion dollars was unaccounted for, snagged in a "labyrinth" of contract bureaucracy.
Earlier this year, Afghanistan's Western backers agreed to give the government greater control of aid money -- up to 50 percent from 20 percent -- and to improve their own oversight of development funds.
What provincial officials say they need is the basics -- roads, power, hospitals and schools -- to drag their regions into the current century.
Moral's tiny clinic -- three minutes by motorbike from the house he was born in -- is testimony to unfulfilled need.
For the past decade he has run the clinic for German charity Lepco in Yakawlang, a district of about 65,000 people almost 3,000 metres (9,000 feet) up in the mountains of Bamiyan province, in Afghanistan's central highlands.
The region is famous for the huge Buddhas that were blown up by the Taliban in early 2001, for the azure Band-i-Amir lakes, for breathtaking landscape, and as one of the few areas to escape the worst of the war.
The people here are mostly Hazaras, believed to be descended from Ghengis Khan's 13th century hordes who rampaged across Central Asia.
As Shiite Muslims in a Sunni-dominated country they are at the bottom of most demographic ladders -- impoverished, uneducated, marginalised and, under the Taliban's 1996-2001 regime, massacred.
Squatting beside Mossa's foam-mattress bed on the floor of a cold concrete room he is sharing with an elderly tuberculosis sufferer, Moral said the only way to find lepers was to look for them.
He found Mossa while on a regular mobile-clinic tour of four Afghan provinces, looking for people suffering from leprosy or tuberculosis.
Moral has this year found nine leprosy sufferers in the provinces he tours -- three in Bamiyan, the others in surrounding Daikundi, Ghor and Sar-E-Pul, he said, adding: "That's half the number I had last year."
The UN's World Health Organisation (WHO) puts the number of confirmed new leprosy cases detected so far this year at 26, about half the number in 2009.
Afghanistan has 10 leprosy clinics across the country, where WHO provides the drugs and funding for treatment, said Mohammad Reza Aloudal, WHO's national coordinator for tuberculosis and leprosy.
Moral said the main obstacle to finding lepers is that the disease incubates for between five and 20 years, and so is difficult to detect before the lesions start appearing.
While it is not as contagious as myth would have it, leprosy can be passed on if contact is prolonged and close -- as it is among large Afghan families such as Mossa's, with 12 siblings living in a small mud house.
"I've been doing this for 10 years," Moral said. "I spend half my time on the road.
"When I first started doing this, we found more leprosy patients more often, but it has decreased in these past 10 years.
"Now we only find them in the remote areas, in the valleys where people have no access to clinics, they don't have enough food, hygiene is very poor, life conditions are very poor and haven't really changed for hundreds of years."
Of course, he said, he dishes out advice on hygiene, on not having livestock living in the house, on washing body and clothes at least now and then.
"But it is not possible in the remote areas. They live on the mountain, they don't have running water or electricity," he said. "Hygiene definitely plays a role in getting leprosy."
Moral said he thought to drop in on Mossa's family as he was passing by Dari Chost, 100 kilometres west of Yakawlang, at the end of his October tour last week.
"There is no road, the village is on a mountaintop, I walked four hours to get there," he said.
"I found his brother some years ago, and yesterday I found him," he said of Mossa.
"His body is reacting to the multi-bacterial infection. He is swollen in the face, arms, legs. He can't walk. The reaction is feverish, body and muscle pains, extreme weakness.
"Last night I gave him medicine to bring down the inflammation, decrease the swelling. He has been like this for a week. If he was like this for longer, he would be disabled for the rest of his life," he said.
Moral said he had found Mossa in time to treat the disease with a cocktail of drugs, with hopes of a full recovery -- eight months to deal with the reaction, and a year to cure the leprosy.
Mossa certainly caught the disease from his brother, Moral said, adding that 80 percent of people worldwide have natural immunity.
"Mossa's brother also had a reaction. It was during the winter so they couldn't get treatment. His hands are now clubbed, his arms are paralysed, his eyelids are paralysed. He must be cared for by his family. Marriage will be difficult."
Mossa's father Ishmael, 60, sits worrying at the foot of his son's bed.
Neighbours in his village of 30 families are good to them, he said, but they don't know that the boys have leprosy. If they did, the stigma is such that no one would ever come near them again, he said.
The family are so poor that they look after other people's livestock. They are illiterate, the nearest school four hours' walk away.
As Moral examined the lesion on Mossa's forearm, he said the boy had probably been developing signs of leprosy for about two years.
"We have to keep him here for observation, to prevent disability setting in, so he will be here for the next eight months at least," he said.

Sunday, October 24, 2010

Refugee groups say government advice on Hazara asylum-seekers is wrong

Joe Kelly
  • From: The Australian

  • October 01, 2010 2:47PM



  • REFUGEE groups fear a "flawed" government assessment of Afghanistan will unfairly taint asylum-seekers' applications to stay in Australia.
    The assessment by the Australian embassy in Kabul, dated February 21, says many ethnic Hazaras in Afghanistan are fleeing the country as economic migrants, not genuine refugees, and that they are living in a “golden age”.
    However the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade advice was today condemned by refugee groups and greeted with scepticism by academic experts.
    The Refugee and Immigration Legal Centre's executive director and principal solicitor, David Manne, said the document was “notorious” and was one of the “key sources” used to reject Afghan asylum claims.
    Processing of Afghan asylum-seekers is about to resume after a six-month suspension lifted yesterday by the Gillard government.
    Refugee groups are worried the DFAT assessment will continue to be used to determine whether hundreds of Afghan asylum-seekers, most of them from the Hazara ethnic minority, should be able to stay in Australia or be ordered home.
    Mr Manne said the document was at odds with the bulk of evidence which pointed to a deteriorating situation in the war-torn country.
    He said it cast “serious doubts” on how the government's decision-making process would work following the lifting of the six-month freeze on processing of Afghan asylum-seekers.
    “The big question here is whether or not decision-making is going to be consistently fair and evidence-based, or whether it's going to be infected by the same serious flaws and dubious context we've seen in recent months,” Mr Manne told The Australian Online.
    The refugee lawyer said the Department of Immigration needed to provide the “full and proper particulars” of the information in the assessment of Afghan asylum-seekers, arguing its “consistent refusal” to do so was a “clear-cut flagrant denial of natural justice”.
    The proportion of Afghans who are having their claims for refugee status accepted has fallen from 95 per cent at the start of the year to about 30 per cent.
    Refugee advocate Phil Glendenning, director of the Edmund Rice Centre, said he was “staggered” by the DFAT assessment.
    Mr Glendenning said Hazaras in Afghanistan sent back during the Howard government years were telling him that the “situation on the ground is less safe than it ever has been, particularly those in Ghazni province”.
    “A couple of days ago, the lieutenant governor of Ghazni province was assassinated by a suicide bomb. Most of the Hazaras who are waiting in Australian detention centres are from Ghazni province,” he said.
    Associate Professor at the Centre for Immigration and Multicultural Studies at the Australian National University, James Jupp, also said he thought the assessment was “a bit over the top”.
    “I don't think anybody's having a golden age at the present moment. You'd have to have a strong imagination to believe that,” he said.
    Professor Jupp wondered how well informed the Australian embassy was.
    “How would they actually know?” he asked.
    “Most of our embassies in small Asian countries have a small staff - you can't travel very freely in Afghanistan.”
    DFAT's assessment has also been questioned by the ANU's Afghan expert, Professor William Maley, who says Hazaras have faced persecution in Afghanistan since the 19th century.
    “There is no reason to believe that the underlying factors (both ethnic and sectarian) fuelling hostility towards Hazaras have dissipated,” Professor Maley said in June.

    News Source: http://www.theaustralian.com.au/national-affairs/foreign-affairs/refugee-groups-say-government-advice-on-hazara-asylum-seekers-is-wrong/story-fn59nm2j-1225932865695

    Amnesty slams advice on Afghanistan

    Karlis Salna
    October 7, 2010

    AAP
    A leading human rights group has slammed the advice being used by Labor to reject Afghan asylum seekers, warning security in Afghanistan is now at its worst in a decade.
    The warning extends to regions which are the chief sources of Afghan asylum seekers arriving in Australia by boat, including the province of Oruzgan where Australian soldiers are based.
    The federal government last week lifted a six-month freeze on the processing of Afghan asylum seeker applications, citing a better understanding of the situation on the ground in Afghanistan.
    Immigration Minister Chris Bowen said it was now likely more Afghans would have their claims for asylum rejected and eventually be returned home.
    The proportion of Afghans who are having their claims for refugee status accepted has already fallen from 95 per cent at the start of the year to about 30 per cent.
    But Halima Kazem, a researcher with Amnesty International with almost 10 years experience in Afghanistan, said nothing had changed to justify rejecting more Afghan asylum seekers, including ethnic Hazaras.
    Hazaras make up the vast majority of Afghan asylum seekers arriving in Australia but, being Shia, are persecuted by the Sunni Taliban.
    "The situation is worse than it has been for the last nine years," Ms Kazem said.
    "(The Taliban is) now present in almost every province in Afghanistan with the exception of just a few."
    The government has previously cited improved conditions for ethnic Hazaras as justification for rejecting more Afghan asylum claims.
    A leaked cable from the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade (DFAT) also disputes the claims of Hazaras, saying the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) was "not convinced that the majority of Hazara protection-seekers abroad were genuine".
    Ms Kazem said it was simply not the case that the situation for Hazaras had improved, including in Oruzgan.
    "They are generally from Ghazni or they're from Oruzgan province," Ms Kazem said of the Afghan asylum seekers in detention in Australia.
    "The way that it's probably described to the Australian government is that within the centre of where these people live in those communities it might be somewhat secure.
    "But to say `it's safe, there's no daily fighting, send them back', that's not an accurate picture or context."
    The regional chief with the UNHCR, Richard Towle, has also questioned the advice in the cable, saying the DFAT assessment did not reflect his organisation's official position.
    The advice from DFAT is likely to feed into a Country and Policy Guidance Note to be released within weeks and to be used to assess future Afghan issues.
    A number of non-government organisations, including Amnesty, are currently being consulted about the guidance note.
    Ms Kazem, who has been interviewing Afghan asylum seekers housed at the Curtin airbase and at Darwin, will meet with Department of Immigration officials on Friday, as well as representatives from the Refugee Review Tribunal and Independent Merrits Review panel.
    "The speculation about this note, or what I hear, that more Afghans are going to be rejected because there's more of a positive spin on the security situation in Afghanistan, if that is what is in this note, then definitely my presentation will not agree with that," she said.
    The comments come as authorities begin processing 1200 asylum seekers affected by the suspension, which is largely blamed for overcrowding in Australia's detention network.
    There are more than 5000 people in immigration detention in Australia in facilities on the mainland and on Christmas Island, of whom about half are from Afghanistan.

    News Source: http://news.smh.com.au/breaking-news-national/amnesty-slams-advice-on-afghanistan-20101007-169e8.html

    'War Does This to Your Mind'

    By Kathy Kelly

    Kabul-- Khamad Jan, age 22, remembers that, as a youngster, he was a good student who enjoyed studying. “Now, I can’t seem to think,” he said sadly, looking at the ground. There was a long pause. “War does this to your mind.”

    He and his family fled their village when Taliban forces began to attack the area. Bamiyan Province is home to a great number of Hazara families, and Khamad Jan's is one of them. Traditionally, other Afghan ethnic groups have discriminated against Hazaras, regarding them as descendants of Mongolian tribes and therefore inferior.

    During the Taliban attacks, Khamad Jan’s father was captured and killed. As the eldest, Khamad Jan bore responsibility to help provide for his mother, two brothers and two sisters. But he struggled with debilitating depression, so much so that villagers, anxious to help, talked of exorcism. One day, he said he felt ready to give up on life. Fortunately, community members and his friends in a local youth group, the "Afghan Youth Peace Volunteers," have helped him come to terms with the pain he feels, assuring him that he can find a meaningful future.

    Khamad Jan’s village is a particularly hard place in which to build houses, roads or farms. He and his family own a small plot of land which produces potatoes and wheat. The family works hard, but they only grow enough to feed themselves for seven months of the year. For a few months of every year, they must depend heavily on bread and potatoes, a carbo-diet which leads to malnutrition. Like other women in the village, Khamad Jan’s mother and sisters are chronically anemic, suffering from headaches and leg cramps.

    Assisted by an interest-free loan from a private corporation called Zenda, Khamad Jan has taken the risk of starting a small business producing potato crisps.

    Afghan potatoes are delicious, and Khamad Jan hopes that the quality of his crops will give him a slight competitive edge, but a popular brand from the farmer-subsidizing U.S. is flooding the market.

    Previously, he had run a small potato crisp production operation in the Bamiyan bazaar, and even added sale of cookies and cakes, but the costs of rent, oil and fuel were prohibitive, and he couldn’t make a profit.

    The Zenda Corporation, at the urging of youth group coordinator Hakim, offered him a larger loan, but Khamad Jan felt intimidated by the financial risk of accepting it. To help him shoulder the fear of taking this loan, Hakim, a member of the Zenda group, converted the arrangement into a shareholder status.

    Khamad Jan ran the business without a salary, and Zenda, as a shareholder, pumped in investment. Now, after two years, Khamad Jan has felt secure and confident enough to accept a direct loan from Zenda.

    We met him at a site in a new settlement, on the outskirts of Bamiyan city, where he coordinates construction of a small facility to house the potato chip production line. Earlier, we had visited a shed that he rents to store his main pieces of equipment, a potato slicer and a bag sealer. When the new factory is completed, he’ll move the equipment in and start production.

    Maybe, just maybe, the family can break out of poverty. Khamad Jan says that they’ve needed help to do this, but he specifies that they need the help to reach them directly rather than through organizations that use resources for their own benefit. Earlier, his sisters were more assertive, telling us that much of the “help” they hear about on the radio goes to people who are corrupt and don’t share it.

    Khamad Jan’s sisters and mother say that government officials aren’t involved in their lives; in fact they never see or hear of any governance action beyond their own village council.

    But they face severe problems which they wish the government could help them solve. For instance, electricity is available only two hours per day. The roads are almost impassable, and it’s difficult for the children to obtain an education.

    In her 40 years of life, Khamad Jan’s mother has experienced 30 years of war.

    She remembers that when she was 10, fleeing the Soviet invasion, her whole village had to trek into the mountains through snow. “Some were on donkeys,” she recalled, “and some were carried on the backs of others.” Families on the run couldn’t adequately assist all of their loved ones. Many people weakened in the journey, especially the very young and very old, and this led to calamitous falls from the mountain which she and her neighbors could only watch.

    She fears yet another attack.

    Neither she nor her daughters had ever heard of the 9/11 attack in the U.S. Nor were they aware that the U.S. had invaded their country in October of 2001.

    “We are illiterate women,” said one of her daughters, “but we want a chance to find good, dignified work so that we can take care of their families.”

    Above all, they want to live without the constant fear of war.

    “The world says they are helping us,” said a neighbor of Khamad Jan’s, while we were visiting his mother and sisters. “How? By dropping bombs?”

    “War destroys people,” Khamad Jan concluded, after giving us a tour of the developing potato crisp production factory. Again, he stared at the ground as he thought about what he would say. “It destroys our livelihood. It damages our minds.”

    “All the players in this war have their own purposes for being here,” he added, after a long pause. “There is absolutely no benefit to the people here from the wars that are being fought.”

    Hakim’s hand was on Khamad Jan’s shoulder as he translated this for us. Finally, Khamad Jan raised his eyes. We thanked him for speaking to us about his thoughts. And then he went back to work.
    News Source: http://www.huntingtonnews.net/columns/101024-kelly-columnspeacevoice.html

    Friday, October 22, 2010

    Bamiyan Diaries – Day One

    Bamiyan Diaries – Day One

    By David Smith-Ferri

    Bamiyan Province in Afghanistan, a stunningly beautiful mountainous region, is located in the center of the country, roughly 100 miles from Kabul. Most people here live in small, autonomous villages tucked into high mountain valleys, and work dawn to dusk just to scratch out a meager living as subsistence farmers, shepherds, or goatherds. The central government in Kabul and the regional government in Bamiyan City exercise little or no control over their lives. They govern themselves, and live for the most part in isolation.

    Given this, who would imagine that Afghan youth from small villages across Bamiyan Province would come together to form a tight-knit, resilient, and effective group of peace activists, with a growing network of contacts and support that includes youth in other parts of the country and peace activists in the U.S. and in Palestine? I certainly wouldn’t have. In the United States, we may find it hard to believe that anything good can actually come out of Afghanistan, or we may have fallen into a trap of thinking that Afghans cannot accomplish anything useful without foreign aid and assistance. I confess that I struggle to live outside the shadow of this narrow-mindedness and ethno-centrism. Certainly, if the scope of our imaginations is limited by CNN and Fox News, we would not be likely to imagine an indigenous peace group forming in Bamiyan Province. But this is exactly what has happened.

    Calling themselves the Afghan Youth Peace Volunteers (AYPV), they range in age from eight to twenty, and they have been active for over two years, translating their camaraderie and the horror of their families’ experience of war and displacement into a passionate and active pacifism. At an invitation from AYPV, three American peace activists from Voices for Creative Nonviolence have arrived in Bamiyan for five days to build bridges of friendship and support with these youth and their families. Over this time, we will write a daily diary of our experiences and interactions with the Afghan Youth Peace Volunteers.

    Meeting the AYPV

    We arrived in Bamiyan in bright sunshine after a 40-minute United Nations flight from Kabul on a 1960s-era, Russian helicopter, with messages (“no smoking”) and identifications (“main rotor shaft”) in Russian and English. Stiff and slightly sickened by the jarring flight and the diesel and jet fuel exhaust, we disembarked from the helicopter and stepped into the Bamiyan Valley, the bright autumn sunshine, and the equally bright faces and smiles of the Afghan Youth Peace Volunteers, all of whom were lined up and waiting for us eagerly. There was no question about our carrying our own luggage, which the Afghan youth whisked away politely but firmly. Fifteen-year old Abdulai, a small-boned and lean but very sturdy Hazara boy from a potato-farming family, hefted my very heavy suitcase over his back like, well, like a sack of potatoes! He dismissed my objections good-naturedly with a smile and said to me with what seemed a mixture of pride and matter-of-factness, “It’s OK. I am a mountain boy.” There is an Afghan saying, “The first time we meet, we are friends. The second time, brothers (sisters).” We were certainly greeted in this spirit today.

    In a country occupied by a foreign power, bleeding from military, political, and ethnic violence, worn by decades of war and corruption, the AYPV are looking for meaningful ways to raise a voice of nonviolence. Because there is so much suspicion and strife among the major ethnic groups in Afghanistan – Pashtun (44%), Hazara (18%), Tajik (25%), and Uzbeck (7%) – the group has sought ethnic diversity, both as a symbol of the need for reconciliation and to teach themselves tolerance. At present, there are only Hazara and Tajik people in the group, largely because the population of Bamiyan Province is almost exclusively Hazara and Tajik. And there are no girls or young women in the group.

    To address this, the group developed a relationship with a staff person at an orphanage in Kabul where many Pashtun children live, and earlier this year several AFPV members visited the orphanage. The trip to Kabul (by road), which requires passing through areas controlled by Pashtun people, was itself a courageous act, as was the act of showing up at the orphanage with their message of nonviolence. Their courage was rewarded. Seeds were planted among Pashtun youth at the orphanage, and a follow-up visit is planned.

    Over dinner this evening, after we introduced ourselves, we talked about prejudice and the intolerance that is such an obstacle to peace in Afghanistan. Mohammad “Jan” (a term of endearment), a soft-spoken, strikingly handsome Tajik and at twenty the oldest member of the group, began the discussion by saying, “War is increasing prejudice and divisions in Afghan society, because much of the fighting is happening along ethnic lines.” The conversation became personal, as some of the boys discussed their own struggle with prejudice. “I was prejudiced against Pashtuns and Tajiks when I joined the group, but these prejudices are now gone,” Abdulai says. Ali, a fourteen year old Hazara boy, concurs: “ I was prejudiced against Tajiks. Now Mohammad Jan and Faiz (another Tajik member of the group) are like my brothers. There is still a great deal of prejudice in the general community. The solution is to make friends.” Zekirullah, a stocky 11 year old Hazara boy, commented: “I had great prejudice against Tajiks and Pashtuns, because it is so widespread among Hazaras. Sometimes I still feel this prejudice.”

    Over the time the group has been together, there have been cutting remarks, especially against Mohammad Jan and Faiz, the two Tajiks. Because Tajiks are Sunni, Hazaras (who are Shia) may see them as “infidels.” “Often we refuse to see each other as human beings,” Mohammad Jan said. “Instead, we see Tajik, Pashtun, Hazara, Shia . . . I think we have to have a long-term viewpoint. And young people are the key. Old people are like full grown trees which can’t bend. But young people are like saplings. They can change their direction.”

    News Source: http://www.huntingtonnews.net/columns/101020-smith-columnspeacevoice.html

    ~~~~~~~~~~~~~

    Kathy Kelly, Jerica Arents, and David Smith-Ferri are Co-Coordinators of Voices for Creative Nonviolence (http://www.vcnv.org/). They are currently traveling in Afghanistan.