Tuesday, October 18, 2011
PAKISTAN: Re-reading the conflict in Balochistan
October 18, 2011
Dear friends,
We wish to share with you the following article from Jinnah Institute, written by Madeeha Ansari.
Asian Human Rights Commission
Hong Kong
-------------
FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE
AHRC-FAT-053-2011
October 18, 2011
An article from Jinnah Institute forwarded by the Asian Human Rights Commission
PAKISTAN: Re-reading the conflict in Balochistan
Madeeha Ansari
In a world characterized by violence and volatility, this year’s message for International Literacy Day was ''Literacy for Peace''. In Pakistan, the policy response to the idea would be lukewarm at best; despite the attention received by the ''Education Emergency'' earlier in the year, the national agenda is dominated by other, seemingly more immediate issues. There is little realization of the true transformative power of literacy in regions riddled with conflict and uncertainty. However, the story of KarrarHussainJaffar -- the young Harvard scholar from a minority community in Balochistan– could inspire a new kind of discourse.
Within the bleak context of political turmoil and lack of social development in Balochistan, Karrar’s background as a Shi’ite Hazara placed him at a unique disadvantage.Hailing from a remote valley near Quetta where matriculation is a rarity, he described his hometown as a place where ''nobody wants to see the dream of higher education, because they know that it is impossible.'' His personal journey from Marree Abad, to the Lahore University of Management Sciences, to the Harvard campus in Massachusetts cannot be measured in terms of distance – it is a leap across cultural, traditional and societal barriers. As he put it, the first step was for him to overcome his reservations about English being a ''colonial remnant'', and accepting it as a tool to facilitate progress. After completing his fully funded MPA and PhD in the USA, he plans to return to Balochistan to raise awareness about the importance – and possibility – of education among his people.
Karrar’s decision is based on first-hand experience of what it is to bridge the chasm between Balochistan and the rest of the world. The province stands in isolation within Pakistan itself; there is a clear disconnect between the population there and the rest of the country, particularly in the urban centres. The gap can be illustrated in terms of education; qualitative standards aside, the literacy rate in Balochistan is more than 20 per cent lower than the national average of 57 per cent. While the Balochistan government has pledged 13% of the provincial budget to the education sector, statistics mean little in the context of a province notorious for the phenomenon of “ghost schools”. Effective disbursement of funds also remains a problem – for instance, it has recently been reported that the largest school in Gwadar has not received a single rupee for maintenance and rehabilitation. This level of misgovernance and neglect is particularly dangerous given the complex political situation in the province, in which the absence of alternate narratives makes it vulnerable to forces fuelling cyclical violence.
Amid ominous talk of separatism, Balochistanhas been described by human rights organizations as ''an active volcano that may erupt anytime''. The description is drawn from the examination of a history of grievances harbored by the province against the central government; festering wounds that are renewed by an increasing number of missing persons whose absence is attributed to state agencies.The strong presence of the army and the ISI in the region aims to stamp out separatist forces, only to stoke Baloch nationalism. As a result, the young Baloch nationalist views his (or her) interests to be diametrically opposed to those of Pakistan as a nation and will not concede that secession is not a viable option; that an independent Baloch state cannot be sustained by untapped natural resources and underdeveloped human resources. This mindset makes the youth of the province susceptible to the kind of violent prejudice that has triggered a rise in brutal targeted attacks against non-Baloch teachers and laborers, as well as minority communities like the Shi’ite Hazaras.
UNESCO calls education and armed conflict ''the deadly spirals'', each affecting the other in multiple ways. Apart from the retarding effect of war on social development, educational institutions themselves can become nuclei for the concentration of ''attitudes, beliefs and grievances that fuel violent conflict''. This is evident from the militarization of student groups in Balochistan, including the Baloch Students’ Organization. BSO members now make up an alarmingly large proportion of the ''missing person'' whose cases are pending in national courts. If this is the situation regarding the more educated segment of society, it is a worrisome indicator not only of endemic conflict, but also future instability. The generation on whom it falls to build and create is instead contributing to fragmentation, and the state response is to further exacerbate the situation.
Karrar stands out as an exception among the youth of Balochistan – indeed, among the youth of Pakistan. As an individual, what he will take back to his hometown is not only a nuanced understanding of the greater world, but a sense of belonging to a nation that provided him with opportunity. Expansion and improvement of the existing educational infrastructure in Balochistan is therefore a crucial means of addressing the longstanding grievances and sense of exclusion of the Balochi people. While only an outstanding few can aspire to Ivy League schooling, the right to basic, quality education cannot be limited to a privileged minority. In addition, strengthening scholarship schemes, exchange programs and links with national institutions would help bridge the gaps in communication and trust, between Balochistan and the rest of the country.
''Literacy for Peace'' is not a new concept, but is one that is easily displaced by short-term political tactics. It needs to be recognized that there can be no shortcut for the permanent erasure of long-term resentment and separatist sentiment. Only by opening the channels of communication with the next generation, and providing opportunities to access equal representation, can the young Baloch be integrated as a proud citizen within the federation of Pakistan.
Document Type :Forwarded Article
Document ID :AHRC-FAT-053-2011
Countries : Pakistan
Issues : Freedom of religion
Asian Human Rights Commission
Dear friends,
We wish to share with you the following article from Jinnah Institute, written by Madeeha Ansari.
Asian Human Rights Commission
Hong Kong
-------------
FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE
AHRC-FAT-053-2011
October 18, 2011
An article from Jinnah Institute forwarded by the Asian Human Rights Commission
PAKISTAN: Re-reading the conflict in Balochistan
Madeeha Ansari
Within the bleak context of political turmoil and lack of social development in Balochistan, Karrar’s background as a Shi’ite Hazara placed him at a unique disadvantage.Hailing from a remote valley near Quetta where matriculation is a rarity, he described his hometown as a place where ''nobody wants to see the dream of higher education, because they know that it is impossible.'' His personal journey from Marree Abad, to the Lahore University of Management Sciences, to the Harvard campus in Massachusetts cannot be measured in terms of distance – it is a leap across cultural, traditional and societal barriers. As he put it, the first step was for him to overcome his reservations about English being a ''colonial remnant'', and accepting it as a tool to facilitate progress. After completing his fully funded MPA and PhD in the USA, he plans to return to Balochistan to raise awareness about the importance – and possibility – of education among his people.
Karrar’s decision is based on first-hand experience of what it is to bridge the chasm between Balochistan and the rest of the world. The province stands in isolation within Pakistan itself; there is a clear disconnect between the population there and the rest of the country, particularly in the urban centres. The gap can be illustrated in terms of education; qualitative standards aside, the literacy rate in Balochistan is more than 20 per cent lower than the national average of 57 per cent. While the Balochistan government has pledged 13% of the provincial budget to the education sector, statistics mean little in the context of a province notorious for the phenomenon of “ghost schools”. Effective disbursement of funds also remains a problem – for instance, it has recently been reported that the largest school in Gwadar has not received a single rupee for maintenance and rehabilitation. This level of misgovernance and neglect is particularly dangerous given the complex political situation in the province, in which the absence of alternate narratives makes it vulnerable to forces fuelling cyclical violence.
Amid ominous talk of separatism, Balochistanhas been described by human rights organizations as ''an active volcano that may erupt anytime''. The description is drawn from the examination of a history of grievances harbored by the province against the central government; festering wounds that are renewed by an increasing number of missing persons whose absence is attributed to state agencies.The strong presence of the army and the ISI in the region aims to stamp out separatist forces, only to stoke Baloch nationalism. As a result, the young Baloch nationalist views his (or her) interests to be diametrically opposed to those of Pakistan as a nation and will not concede that secession is not a viable option; that an independent Baloch state cannot be sustained by untapped natural resources and underdeveloped human resources. This mindset makes the youth of the province susceptible to the kind of violent prejudice that has triggered a rise in brutal targeted attacks against non-Baloch teachers and laborers, as well as minority communities like the Shi’ite Hazaras.
UNESCO calls education and armed conflict ''the deadly spirals'', each affecting the other in multiple ways. Apart from the retarding effect of war on social development, educational institutions themselves can become nuclei for the concentration of ''attitudes, beliefs and grievances that fuel violent conflict''. This is evident from the militarization of student groups in Balochistan, including the Baloch Students’ Organization. BSO members now make up an alarmingly large proportion of the ''missing person'' whose cases are pending in national courts. If this is the situation regarding the more educated segment of society, it is a worrisome indicator not only of endemic conflict, but also future instability. The generation on whom it falls to build and create is instead contributing to fragmentation, and the state response is to further exacerbate the situation.
Karrar stands out as an exception among the youth of Balochistan – indeed, among the youth of Pakistan. As an individual, what he will take back to his hometown is not only a nuanced understanding of the greater world, but a sense of belonging to a nation that provided him with opportunity. Expansion and improvement of the existing educational infrastructure in Balochistan is therefore a crucial means of addressing the longstanding grievances and sense of exclusion of the Balochi people. While only an outstanding few can aspire to Ivy League schooling, the right to basic, quality education cannot be limited to a privileged minority. In addition, strengthening scholarship schemes, exchange programs and links with national institutions would help bridge the gaps in communication and trust, between Balochistan and the rest of the country.
''Literacy for Peace'' is not a new concept, but is one that is easily displaced by short-term political tactics. It needs to be recognized that there can be no shortcut for the permanent erasure of long-term resentment and separatist sentiment. Only by opening the channels of communication with the next generation, and providing opportunities to access equal representation, can the young Baloch be integrated as a proud citizen within the federation of Pakistan.
Document Type :Forwarded Article
Document ID :AHRC-FAT-053-2011
Countries : Pakistan
Issues : Freedom of religion
Asian Human Rights Commission
Govt has received messages for talks from extremist elements: Malik
QUETTA, Oct 18 (APP): Interior Minister Rehman Malik has said that the government had received some messages dispatched from extremist elements for peace talks and dialogue.Replying to a question about a news story published in the US daily Washinton Post, he said: “The government has received messages from extremist elements,” however, dialogues would start when they disarmed themselves.He was talking to mediapersons at Quetta Airport soon after his arrival here on Tuesday.He said the government was serious for progress in dialogue with militants for the cause of peace in the country and added no talks would be held if extremists continued holding arms in their hands.He said some anti-peace forces were involved in hatching conspiracies and activities to destabilize the country.
To another question, he said he had written a letter to Chief Secretary Punjab to detain Ishaq Malik of a banned organization and arrest his nine associates.
He said now Ishaq Malik had been detained and further action was being taken in this regard.
He said the government was aware about reported flying of NATO jets over Pakistani areas bordering Afghanistan and added violation of Pakistani space was being noted with observation of International Set Proceedure.
He said no one would be allowed to cast an evil eye on Pakistan and reaction would be given to any action carried out while violating sovereignty of the country.
He said that he was visiting Quetta on the instructions of the Prime Minister Syed Yusuf Raza Gilani. “Issues of pilgrims travel to Iran, sectarianism, border surveillance and other law and order related matters would be reviewed during my Quetta visit,” the Interior Minister said and added today (Tuesday) he would be meeting with representatives of Hazara Community and different religious sects.
He said that Afghanistan Militia damaged Pakistan checkpost on border in Chaman, and said steps were being taken to enhance surveillance in border areas.
He said crimes were not only being reported from across the country but also from abroad adding that strategy was being evolved to check thses incidents.
He said that target killing of citizens in Quetta had been decreased with effective measures taken by the government.
He said that masses had given mandate to the Pakistan Peoples’ Party to govern the country and added the PPP-led government would complete its tenure.
He said the Federal Government was responsible to maintain its writ and the provincial governments to maintain law and order within their jurisdiction.
He emphasized the need to promote community policing for securing peace.
Associated Press of Pakistan
To another question, he said he had written a letter to Chief Secretary Punjab to detain Ishaq Malik of a banned organization and arrest his nine associates.
He said now Ishaq Malik had been detained and further action was being taken in this regard.
He said the government was aware about reported flying of NATO jets over Pakistani areas bordering Afghanistan and added violation of Pakistani space was being noted with observation of International Set Proceedure.
He said no one would be allowed to cast an evil eye on Pakistan and reaction would be given to any action carried out while violating sovereignty of the country.
He said that he was visiting Quetta on the instructions of the Prime Minister Syed Yusuf Raza Gilani. “Issues of pilgrims travel to Iran, sectarianism, border surveillance and other law and order related matters would be reviewed during my Quetta visit,” the Interior Minister said and added today (Tuesday) he would be meeting with representatives of Hazara Community and different religious sects.
He said that Afghanistan Militia damaged Pakistan checkpost on border in Chaman, and said steps were being taken to enhance surveillance in border areas.
He said crimes were not only being reported from across the country but also from abroad adding that strategy was being evolved to check thses incidents.
He said that target killing of citizens in Quetta had been decreased with effective measures taken by the government.
He said that masses had given mandate to the Pakistan Peoples’ Party to govern the country and added the PPP-led government would complete its tenure.
He said the Federal Government was responsible to maintain its writ and the provincial governments to maintain law and order within their jurisdiction.
He emphasized the need to promote community policing for securing peace.
Associated Press of Pakistan
Monday, October 17, 2011
MPs worried about Balochistan unrest
By: Bari Baloch | Published: October 18, 2011
QUETTA - Legislators raised their concerns over violence across the province at the Balochistan Assembly Monday, calling for stepping up efforts to maintain law and order.
The Balochistan Assembly session started with its Deputy Speaker Matiullah Agha in the chair. The lawmakers warned that the situation would deteriorate if practical steps were not taken to maintain the government’s writ. A legislator criticised the violation of Pakistani airspace by Nato in Qila Abdul district of Balochistan and demanded the federal government take notice. Speaking on a point of order, Agriculture Minister Asad Baloch condemned the murder of PMA Balochistan chapter president Mazar Khan Baloch in Quetta. “Our people are being targeted but the culprits are at large,” he added.
Supporting his point, PPP provincial minister Jan Ali Chengezai condemned the killing of members of Hazara community, saying the police were playing the role of a silent spectator. “Several people of Hazara community fell prey to targeted killings and bomb blast on Eidul Fitr but no culprit has been arrested so far” he said, adding that police had handed over the city to killers. He said they had met Prime Minister Yousuf Raza Gilani and apprised him about the situation but this was the responsibility of provincial government to ensure peace.
Other lawmakers, including Ali Madad Jattak, Syed Ehsan Shah Perven Magsi, Shah Nawaz Marri, Mir Sadiq Umrani, Jaffar Khan Mandokhail and Engineer Zamrak Khan condemned the attack on the convoy of PML-N minister Sardar Sanaullah Zehri, saying targeting tribal chieftains was against the local traditions.
They expressed their concerns over the targeted killing of Shias and recovery of decomposed bodies, saying that the government was paying millions of rupees to law enforcement agencies for the security of people but to no avail.
They rapped the law enforcement agencies for, what they called, their failure in maintaining the government’s writ across the province. “There is no sectarian violence. Some forces are trying to fan hatred by such acts,” they said and called for holding public meetings of political and nationalist parties at divisional level to thwart such plots.
Concluding debate on law and order, senior provincial minister from JUI-F Maulana Abdul Wasay said people from every walk of life were being targeted, posing a question mark on the performance of law enforcement agencies.
He pointed to foreign hand in escalating unrest across the province, saying that his party had already shown their concerns over interference of America in Pakistan’s affair some 10 years ago but they were criticised and declared supporters of Taliban. “Now the US is hurling blames on our army and agencies,” he said, adding that his party rejected the plan to open the US consulate in Quetta. He asked the chief minister to devise a comprehensive strategy to maintain law and order.
Speaking on another point of order, provincial minister and leader of Awami National Party Engineer Zamarak Khan said Nato helicopters and jets were continuously violating Pakistani airspace by making flights inside Balochistan.
Citing the recent violation, he said a Nato helicopter Sunday made very low flight for about 20 minutes in Qila Abdullah district, creating panic among the people. “Nato and America through different tactics want to carry out attacks,” he added.
He asked the provincial government to contact the federal government to take up the issue with Nato authorities. The issue confronting a private TV channel and cattle smuggling also came under discussion during the session.
THE NATION
QUETTA - Legislators raised their concerns over violence across the province at the Balochistan Assembly Monday, calling for stepping up efforts to maintain law and order.
The Balochistan Assembly session started with its Deputy Speaker Matiullah Agha in the chair. The lawmakers warned that the situation would deteriorate if practical steps were not taken to maintain the government’s writ. A legislator criticised the violation of Pakistani airspace by Nato in Qila Abdul district of Balochistan and demanded the federal government take notice. Speaking on a point of order, Agriculture Minister Asad Baloch condemned the murder of PMA Balochistan chapter president Mazar Khan Baloch in Quetta. “Our people are being targeted but the culprits are at large,” he added.
Supporting his point, PPP provincial minister Jan Ali Chengezai condemned the killing of members of Hazara community, saying the police were playing the role of a silent spectator. “Several people of Hazara community fell prey to targeted killings and bomb blast on Eidul Fitr but no culprit has been arrested so far” he said, adding that police had handed over the city to killers. He said they had met Prime Minister Yousuf Raza Gilani and apprised him about the situation but this was the responsibility of provincial government to ensure peace.
Other lawmakers, including Ali Madad Jattak, Syed Ehsan Shah Perven Magsi, Shah Nawaz Marri, Mir Sadiq Umrani, Jaffar Khan Mandokhail and Engineer Zamrak Khan condemned the attack on the convoy of PML-N minister Sardar Sanaullah Zehri, saying targeting tribal chieftains was against the local traditions.
They expressed their concerns over the targeted killing of Shias and recovery of decomposed bodies, saying that the government was paying millions of rupees to law enforcement agencies for the security of people but to no avail.
They rapped the law enforcement agencies for, what they called, their failure in maintaining the government’s writ across the province. “There is no sectarian violence. Some forces are trying to fan hatred by such acts,” they said and called for holding public meetings of political and nationalist parties at divisional level to thwart such plots.
Concluding debate on law and order, senior provincial minister from JUI-F Maulana Abdul Wasay said people from every walk of life were being targeted, posing a question mark on the performance of law enforcement agencies.
He pointed to foreign hand in escalating unrest across the province, saying that his party had already shown their concerns over interference of America in Pakistan’s affair some 10 years ago but they were criticised and declared supporters of Taliban. “Now the US is hurling blames on our army and agencies,” he said, adding that his party rejected the plan to open the US consulate in Quetta. He asked the chief minister to devise a comprehensive strategy to maintain law and order.
Speaking on another point of order, provincial minister and leader of Awami National Party Engineer Zamarak Khan said Nato helicopters and jets were continuously violating Pakistani airspace by making flights inside Balochistan.
Citing the recent violation, he said a Nato helicopter Sunday made very low flight for about 20 minutes in Qila Abdullah district, creating panic among the people. “Nato and America through different tactics want to carry out attacks,” he added.
He asked the provincial government to contact the federal government to take up the issue with Nato authorities. The issue confronting a private TV channel and cattle smuggling also came under discussion during the session.
THE NATION
Up north and personal: Behind the barricades
By Zahrah Nasir
Published: October 16, 2011
Amina’s smile hides a painful past.
Amina and I sit cross-legged on a traditional Afghan takht sipping green tea, the cool evening air of Kabul swirling around us as stars wink in the sky. Amina is beautiful; her story is not.
On the threshold of puberty when the Taliban marched into her Bamiyam village, she and her mother, two younger sisters, grandmother, various aunts and female cousins, were forced, at gunpoint, to bear witness as the invaders lined up all the men and boys of her extended family and one by one shot them in the back of the head. Amina’s recollections are graphic. Her stricken voice pierces the darkness and her depthless eyes seem to be witnessing a private hell as she unfalteringly narrates how, after an endless procession of executions, the women buried their dead. Petrified, shattered by grief, they huddled in their homes through the long night which followed. Morning brought another deluge of horror.
Having ransacked the mud-brick homes of the village and failed to find a trace of arms, the Taliban surmised that guns must have been buried with the male bodies so dug them up, tossing the remains hither and thither in the process. They found nothing. The women buried their dead again that morning. The Taliban dug them up again the following day. The women repeated their heartrending task. The following morning saw a repeat. Three times they buried their dead; three times the Taliban dug them up. The fourth time, as far as Amina knows, the bodies were finally allowed to remain buried … she isn’t certain about this as the women and children fled in to the inhospitable mountainous region the moment an opportunity arose.
The crime the villagers were systematically shot for was, quite simply, that of being Hazara and, therefore, Shia.
The small band of women and their offspring hid out in the rugged terrain for about three weeks before hunger drove them to travel northwards towards Bagram where, they prayed, other relatives would take them in. Six weeks later, they made it and, three months down the line, were evacuated by representatives of the Aga Khan Foundation and transported all the way south to Karachi in Pakistan where the women were provided work in a fish factory and girls like Amina were sent to school.
After approximately six years of life in Karachi, the family was given an opportunity to return to Afghanistan and they took it.
Amina was around 12 years old when the Talban entered her village; she recalls the puzzled fear of having her first menses the night after they took to the mountains. She was 18 years old when they returned to the land of her birth and now, at 23, she is lucky enough to be employed as a cook-cum-maid in the comfortable home of a wealthy Afghan who treats her as a daughter and confidante rather than as a servant. She has her own room, luxurious by most standards, complete with a large-screen television and anything else she might need. Female guests and an endless procession of children are allowed to sleep over and entertain themselves at will. They all have the run of the house and Amina takes her meals at the polished dining table, mingling freely with guests.
Amina does not currently see marriage as a prospect although, like all young women her age, she wears make-up and perfume when going out, files and varnishes her nails on a daily basis and is a dedicated follower of fashion which, in the strife-torn, very tense Kabul of today, includes leg-hugging lycra leggings and ‘filmi’ churidar pajamas with equally tight tops……all covered by a short jacket and headscarf or dupatta when she ventures out in public. A far cry from the once ubiquitous blue burqas that used to be the norm.
She does, naturally, dream of marriage and children and a home of her own. But, for now at least, this is just a dream since Amina is partially crippled. A catastrophic fall, when she was a baby, resulted in a smashed hip and upper thigh. Medical treatment was not available to the family so she grew up with serious mobility problems. Slowly she learned to walk but only with a rolling, lopsided gait which has, on numerous occasions, caused her to fall over, further damaging the bones. Her endurance of the mountain flight and journey is thus even more miraculous, as the terrain through which the women fled is difficult to traverse. During her years in Karachi, she did undergo a series of operations in the Aga Khan Hospital but took another bad fall, just a few months ago. She now waits to be flown to New Delhi for major reconstructive surgery some time during the winter months, thanks to the personal generosity of her employer and some of his close friends.
Despite the massive trauma in her young life, Amina manages to be bubbly and gay, singing along to Indian songs as she conjures up traditional Afghan food in the homey kitchen or plays with the household’s black spaniel which is perpetually glued to her side and even sleeps underneath her bed. She has, however, one all consuming fear: that the Taliban might come back.
Her fear is not without foundation. In recent months, Taliban insurgents have carried out a series of brazen daylight attacks, in the heavily fortified city of Kabul. The assault on the Inter-Continental Hotel gained the most publicity and notoriety while other, smaller incursions largely passed uncommented on by the world at large.
As Amina winds down the tragic story of her life, she shrugs her shoulders, tosses back her tinted brown and blonde hair, gestures towards the house and says, “I am very lucky but…I am still Hazara.”
Two days later, a well-coordinated insurgent attack on the American embassy compound, close to the house where Amina lives and just one part of a four-pronged manoeuvre, rekindles her fear. A week after this, the assassination of Professor Burhanuddin Rabbani, just around the corner from Amina’s residence, takes place and resurrects all her fears — and those of others in the Hazara community — in full force. This fear should not be ignored.
Published in The Express Tribune, Sunday Magazine, October 16th, 2011.
Published: October 16, 2011
Amina and I sit cross-legged on a traditional Afghan takht sipping green tea, the cool evening air of Kabul swirling around us as stars wink in the sky. Amina is beautiful; her story is not.
On the threshold of puberty when the Taliban marched into her Bamiyam village, she and her mother, two younger sisters, grandmother, various aunts and female cousins, were forced, at gunpoint, to bear witness as the invaders lined up all the men and boys of her extended family and one by one shot them in the back of the head. Amina’s recollections are graphic. Her stricken voice pierces the darkness and her depthless eyes seem to be witnessing a private hell as she unfalteringly narrates how, after an endless procession of executions, the women buried their dead. Petrified, shattered by grief, they huddled in their homes through the long night which followed. Morning brought another deluge of horror.
Having ransacked the mud-brick homes of the village and failed to find a trace of arms, the Taliban surmised that guns must have been buried with the male bodies so dug them up, tossing the remains hither and thither in the process. They found nothing. The women buried their dead again that morning. The Taliban dug them up again the following day. The women repeated their heartrending task. The following morning saw a repeat. Three times they buried their dead; three times the Taliban dug them up. The fourth time, as far as Amina knows, the bodies were finally allowed to remain buried … she isn’t certain about this as the women and children fled in to the inhospitable mountainous region the moment an opportunity arose.
The crime the villagers were systematically shot for was, quite simply, that of being Hazara and, therefore, Shia.
The small band of women and their offspring hid out in the rugged terrain for about three weeks before hunger drove them to travel northwards towards Bagram where, they prayed, other relatives would take them in. Six weeks later, they made it and, three months down the line, were evacuated by representatives of the Aga Khan Foundation and transported all the way south to Karachi in Pakistan where the women were provided work in a fish factory and girls like Amina were sent to school.
After approximately six years of life in Karachi, the family was given an opportunity to return to Afghanistan and they took it.
Amina was around 12 years old when the Talban entered her village; she recalls the puzzled fear of having her first menses the night after they took to the mountains. She was 18 years old when they returned to the land of her birth and now, at 23, she is lucky enough to be employed as a cook-cum-maid in the comfortable home of a wealthy Afghan who treats her as a daughter and confidante rather than as a servant. She has her own room, luxurious by most standards, complete with a large-screen television and anything else she might need. Female guests and an endless procession of children are allowed to sleep over and entertain themselves at will. They all have the run of the house and Amina takes her meals at the polished dining table, mingling freely with guests.
Amina does not currently see marriage as a prospect although, like all young women her age, she wears make-up and perfume when going out, files and varnishes her nails on a daily basis and is a dedicated follower of fashion which, in the strife-torn, very tense Kabul of today, includes leg-hugging lycra leggings and ‘filmi’ churidar pajamas with equally tight tops……all covered by a short jacket and headscarf or dupatta when she ventures out in public. A far cry from the once ubiquitous blue burqas that used to be the norm.
She does, naturally, dream of marriage and children and a home of her own. But, for now at least, this is just a dream since Amina is partially crippled. A catastrophic fall, when she was a baby, resulted in a smashed hip and upper thigh. Medical treatment was not available to the family so she grew up with serious mobility problems. Slowly she learned to walk but only with a rolling, lopsided gait which has, on numerous occasions, caused her to fall over, further damaging the bones. Her endurance of the mountain flight and journey is thus even more miraculous, as the terrain through which the women fled is difficult to traverse. During her years in Karachi, she did undergo a series of operations in the Aga Khan Hospital but took another bad fall, just a few months ago. She now waits to be flown to New Delhi for major reconstructive surgery some time during the winter months, thanks to the personal generosity of her employer and some of his close friends.
Despite the massive trauma in her young life, Amina manages to be bubbly and gay, singing along to Indian songs as she conjures up traditional Afghan food in the homey kitchen or plays with the household’s black spaniel which is perpetually glued to her side and even sleeps underneath her bed. She has, however, one all consuming fear: that the Taliban might come back.
Her fear is not without foundation. In recent months, Taliban insurgents have carried out a series of brazen daylight attacks, in the heavily fortified city of Kabul. The assault on the Inter-Continental Hotel gained the most publicity and notoriety while other, smaller incursions largely passed uncommented on by the world at large.
As Amina winds down the tragic story of her life, she shrugs her shoulders, tosses back her tinted brown and blonde hair, gestures towards the house and says, “I am very lucky but…I am still Hazara.”
Two days later, a well-coordinated insurgent attack on the American embassy compound, close to the house where Amina lives and just one part of a four-pronged manoeuvre, rekindles her fear. A week after this, the assassination of Professor Burhanuddin Rabbani, just around the corner from Amina’s residence, takes place and resurrects all her fears — and those of others in the Hazara community — in full force. This fear should not be ignored.
Published in The Express Tribune, Sunday Magazine, October 16th, 2011.
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