Azaranica is a non-biased news aggregator on Hazaras. The main aim is to promote understanding and respect for cultural identities by highlighting the realities they face on daily basis...Hazaras have been the victim of active persecution and discrimination and one of the reasons among many has been the lack of information, awareness, and disinformation.

Friday, December 31, 2010

Finding the 'real' Afghanistan


The Bamiyan Valley from the top of the Small Buddha niche. It was late in the day when we were welcomed by a sign "Welcome to Bamiyan City".
Looking down the one-street village, I reasoned it had probably been a thousand years since Bamiyan had actually been able to call itself a city.

The town made famous by its giant Buddhas lies in the heart of the mountainous Hazarajat and is the homeland of the ethnic Hazara minority.

Being followers of Shi'ite Islam in a mostly Sunni country and the fact that they are descended from the Mongol hordes has always marked the long-suffering Hazara for persecution.

Past injustices include enslavement and the confiscation of their land, which was then given to ruling Pashtuns.

Although they became one of the most effective mujahideen armies in the Soviet war, they were mercilessly singled out by rival factions, particularly the Tajiks, in the civil war that followed.

But even the massacres executed on them then were outdone by atrocities bordering on genocide inflicted by the Taliban as the Hazara bore the brunt of their purist Islamic rage.

In the eyes of the Talibs, they were Shi'ites and so followers of a false faith, non-Afghans who lived in the shadows of idols.

Nothing could be worse.

The Bamiyan Valley was blockaded by Taliban forces, who refused to allow international food aid in to the reliant population.

In 1998, when the valley was taken, much of the Hazara population had already fled into the mountains, abandoning their lands to, again, be taken over by Pashtun settlers.

Bamiyan now holds the distinction of being one of the most secure and peaceful regions in Afghanistan, although still one of the poorest.

It is home to the country's only female governor, Habiba Sarabi, appointed in 2005, who had previously held the posts of Minister of Women's Affairs and Minister of Culture and Education in Karzai's government.

And in the 2008 Beijing Olympics, Afghanistan's first Olympic medal, a bronze, was won in taekwondo by a 21-year-old Hazara, Rohullah Nikpai.

The medal was a cause for a massive boost in the nation's pride, particularly for the young man's own people.

It was also a cause for a massive boost to his bank account as when the hero returned to Afghanistan he was showered with patriotic affection, along with a car, a house and huge amounts of cash.

After arranging a pick-up time for the following morning, I sent the driver on his way for the evening and checked in to the Zohak Hotel, a fly-infested hole with filthy toilets and beds so dirty I slept on the floor.

Across the Bamiyan River, in the last of the day's light, I wandered between fields of swaying wheat.

Above me rose the dull brown cliffs, their niches which once sheltered the largest Buddhist statues now empty like robbed coffins.

The figures traced their lineage back to the first incarnation of the information superhighway - the Silk Route.

Bamiyan once held a key position on the caravan trail between China and the Roman Empire, India and Persia.

The valley provided fodder and water for carrier beasts, shelter from the desert winds, and rest and recuperation for the drivers.

Faces from all corners of the known world would have mingled in the markets and serais and with them goods, philosophies, new thoughts and ideas to be shared and adopted.

Buddhism's popularity received a major celebrity-endorsed boost when the Indian king Asoka converted to the faith in 260BC.

The teachings were soon spread throughout the entire Central Asian region by missionaries and travellers, and Bamiyan grew to be one of the great centres of monastic learning, culminating 500 years later in the carving of the Buddhas.

Early historians wrote of the dozens of universities and thousands of monks in residence in the valley, figures supported by the number of caves dug into the cliffs all over the district, once the quarters of meditating aesthetics.

In AD630, the Chinese traveller Hsuen-Tsang described the pious residents of the valley "as people remarkable for their love of religion and, in the highest forms of worship to the Three Jewels of Buddhism, there is not the least absence of earnestness and the utmost devotion of heart".

The Buddhist fortunes of Bamiyan gradually waned over the centuries as Islam spread from Arabia and Persia to become the dominant faith.

The pacifist Buddhists had little chance of keeping their parishioners in the face of militant Muslim missionaries who converted with the aid of the sword.

The final blow to the valley, which forever consigned the population to poverty, was the invasion of the Mongol hordes in 1222.

The driver mooched beside the car the next morning.

When I asked him where he'd spent the night, he waved down the street and mumbled something about a chaikhana.

Travellers who buy dinner in the tea houses can also spend the night on the carpeted benches at no extra charge; his dinner and accommodation would have cost no more than a couple of dollars.

Minutes later, I stood in front of the "Small Buddha" niche in the spot where the Compassionate One's feet would have once been.

The vacant hollow in the cliff face was anything but small.

Filled with scaffolding erected to prevent any further collapse of the surrounding rock, it towered above me so much that it was difficult to fit the whole space into my camera lens.

In a shed nearby were chunks of rock Buddha from the size of boulders to small stones, the remains of the statue that had been catalogued and kept - for what?A guide led me to a doorway in the base of the niche and unlocked the chain.

Inside, the entire cliff was hollowed by spiral stairways cut into the solid rock.

Breath-snatching climbs led us to cells and chapels, cool, still, quiet and perfect for meditation.

Smaller alcoves, which must have once contained Buddhist figures, had been created in the walls below ornately domed ceilings.

The remnants of murals and frescoes painted on to the mud plaster of the walls could still be seen, the faces of the Buddha outlines scratched off and scrawled with Islamic graffiti.

The bored and uncommunicative guide hurried me on through the empty rooms, some blackened by the fires of more recent occupation, to an open balcony that would have once been at the top of the figure's head.

The leafy greens stretched across the valley all around, the car tiny below.

On the ground again, we drove up to the "Big Buddha", which was just that and more - colossal might have been a better way to describe its 55-metre height.

Nothing of the statue remained; in one corner was a pile of twisted metal shrapnel.

A family of Afghan-American tourists followed me through the gate, hitching a ride on my officially purchased ticket.

"Fantastic, isn't it?" the father breathed as we stared up at the deserted hole.

"Not really," I replied.

"The Taliban used the Buddhas as target practice for a week! Apparently, Osama bin Laden and Mullah Omar were actually here themselves when they blew them up!" he told me excitedly.

"How nice for them."

Despite the pleading from the world at large, the Taliban had done a terribly good job in March 2001.

"All we did was destroy some rocks," Omar is quoted as saying.

The amount of work and effort that had gone into the construction of the Buddhas and the entire cave complex was unimaginable and impressive.

Sadly, all they really did was destroy what had been, and could have been again, one of the greatest tourist attractions in the world.

The monuments once rivalled the Great Wall and the pyramids of Egypt, and could have lifted Bamiyan's people above the breadline by enticing thousands of visitors a year.

They were monuments created by a cultured and peaceful people only to be dynamited by a bunch of moronic religious nuts who impressed no-one.

As we drove away, there was a feeling of emptiness like that left by someone departed, a sense of the loss, of opportunities missed.

Naturally, when images of the exploding statues were flashed across the world in 2001, Buddhists saw the demolition as a teaching of impermanence: nothing, not even thousand-year-old Buddhas carved in solid stone, lasts forever.

Link to Source: http://www.odt.co.nz/lifestyle/travel/129748/finding-real-afghanistan

Blood and Smoke in Hazarajat

Blood and Smoke in Hazarajat
Danger for the Taliban’s Favorite Victims

"Steve Mccurry's Blog"

As the Taliban fights to make a comeback in Afghanistan, no group is in more danger than the Hazaras. The Taliban’s favorite victims, hundreds of Hazara families froze to death while fleeing their villages during winter attacks by the Taliban.


Hazaras work in a candy factory in Kabul, 2006


Farmers work in front of empty Buddha niches where the Taliban destroyed the Buddhas that had stood for over a thousand years in Bamiyan, Afghanistan, 2002

During its reign, the Taliban wreaked destruction and on as many Hazara communities as they could. Scores of Hazara villages were totally destroyed and their people killed or left to search for shelter from the harsh environment of the Hindu Kush Mountains.


Bamiyan, Afghanistan, 2006

Persecuted for centuries, the Hazaras, Shiite Muslims, and protectors of the Buddhist treasures in Bamiyan for a thousand years, have been persecuted, tortured, and slaughtered, but the ravages of the Taliban are only one chapter in the long history of discrimination and abuse.


Hazara Girl, Kabul, 2002

A local official commented that their history has been characterized by “blood and smoke.” He said that the pain is still in his heart because of the thousands that were slaughtered or died trying to escape.


Hazara School Boys, Bamiyan, 2002

Although most Hazaras live in central Afghanistan, the land they refer to as Hazarajat, the Hazaras who migrated to Kabul looking for work make up a large underclass, which takes jobs that other groups refuse – as bearers, street sweepers and other common laborers, the jobs that are referred to as “Hazara occupations.” They are seen and insulted as “donkeys.”



Hazara man pulling cart past a burning house, Kabul, Afghanistan, 1985





Bamiyan, Afghanistan. 2007

His family is poor, his clothes used. But 15-year-old Ali Aqa isn’t deterred: He plans to be a lawyer. Childhood memories include Taliban occupation of his village in Bamiyan. “They burned everything, even my school,” he says. “I pray to God no regime comes like that again.

This fascinating and resilient people hopes to have a place at the table of Afghanistan’s government, but whatever happens in the central government in Kabul, these brave and independent people will continue to struggle for survival and dignity.

Link to Source: http://stevemccurry.wordpress.com/2010/01/25/blood-and-smoke-in-hazarajat/

Afghanistan: A response to Musharraf — I



The writer (Ejaz Haider)was a Ford Scholar at the Programme in Arms Control, Disarmament and International Security at UIUC (1997) and a visiting fellow at the Brookings Institution's Foreign Policy Studies Programme


Former General-President Pervez Musharraf’s article “What should be done in Afghanistan” (December 14) in this newspaper presents a selective narrative. He gives a historical background to position his thoughts on what can be done now and opens the story in 1979, “with the invasion of the country by the Soviet Union”. But the story goes further back in time and has, as its central themes, the non-acceptance by Afghanistan of the Durand Line, claiming the irredenta west of Attock, and its closeness to India.

It is important to note this because Pakistan’s response to developments after former Afghan president Daud Khan’s coup and later, after the Saur Revolution and the subsequent Soviet invasion, was informed by these concerns.

Daud wrested power from King Zahir Shah in July 1973, declared Afghanistan a republic and embarked on a reforms programme. He tried to put down religious elements, brought Afghanistan closer to the Soviet Union, started a massive military modernisation programme and began actively supporting Pashtun nationalism in Pakistan.

Back in 1961, when Daud was prime minister, he had tried to pursue an aggressive policy of supporting Greater Pakhtunistan. The crisis had led Pakistan to close the border with Afghanistan. In 1962, Daud sent a military probe into the Bajaur Agency of Pakistan which was routed. The crisis ended in March 1963, when Daud was asked by Zahir Shah to step down.

Much before the Soviets crossed the Amu Darya, leaders of the jihad had arrived in Peshawar to avoid capture after Daud’s takeover. Those dissidents, Gulbuddin Hekmatyar, Ahmed Shah Masoud, Abdul Rab Rasool Sayyaf et al, were put on the Frontier Corp’s (FC) aquittance roll by then inspector-general of the FC Brig Naseerullah Babar. Babar also presented a paper to Prime Minister Zulfikar Ali Bhutto’s government on how to use anti-Daud sentiment to Pakistan’s advantage. It was nothing more than some money and Lee Enfield rifles but gave a foretaste of what was to come.

Fast forward: In an historical irony, Daud fell when he came round to having better relations with Pakistan, Iran and the US, trying to get out of the Soviet influence. The Peoples Democratic Party of Afghanistan (PDPA) had entrenched itself and the fillip came with the killing of its Parchami ideologue, Mir Akbar Khyber. His funeral got the PDPA to take to the streets and it blamed Daud for the killing and refused to believe the official version that Khyber was killed by Hekmatyar’s Hezb-e Islami. Daud moved in against the PDPA but by then it was too late. On April 28, 1978, a day after the PDPA-led coup had begun, he was killed along with his family members.

The PDPA regime also faced the rising tide of popular unrest which the Soviets thought was being exploited by the US. In walked the Soviets. That’s the point at which Musharraf’s narrative begins. But the reasons for what Pakistan did, and why it did it, went further back and were related both to Afghanistan and India — the perceived threats and responses and, today, the consequences of that policy.

The US was witnessing a debate between US Secretary of State Cyrus Vance and National Security Advisor Zbigniew Brzezinski; Vance didn’t think the Soviets were in Afghanistan for any reason bigger than stabilising the PDPA government; Brzezinski argued it was part of a thrust towards the Gulf waters and the Arabian Sea. The latter won and the US mounted the massive effort that ended later with President Ronald Reagan’s rollback policy.

Islamabad found the situation conducive to multiple strategic objectives: exploiting Afghan insurgency to stave off the Pakhtunistan problem; getting military aid to strengthen itself against India; cash inflows to sustain the economy; moving fast-track on its nuclear programme while America looked the other way; getting Kabul at some point to accept the Durand Line; and, if and when the Soviets withdrew, to have a friendly government in Kabul.

Until the Soviets were in Afghanistan, the US-Pakistan interests converged. When they left, some interests diverged. The first break came in 1989, when President George Bush indicated to Islamabad that he would not be able to certify next year that Pakistan was clean on the nuclear front. In 1990, the Pressler Amendment kicked in. Pakistan had specifically asked for Pressler to circumvent the more circuitous Glenn-Symington Amendment. But when Pressler was applied, Islamabad said it had been short-changed.

This is the thrust of Musharraf’s piece: the US left us high and dry. The fact is, the rules of the game related to realpolitik. Pakistan knew it and played the same game. And in Afghanistan, it got more and more involved for its own perceived strategic reasons. The worst part of the strategy, dominated by the army-ISI combine, was the attempt to play kingmaker in that country.

Another dimension was added to the Afghan policy when Indian-held Kashmir suddenly exploded in December 1989. That connection is too well-known to bear repeating. The point is that it is disingenuous to say that Pakistan was left holding the baby.

Internal developments were no less troubling with General Ziaul Haq’s Islamisation drive. Over time, the Islamist proxies that Islamabad was relying on began finding a corresponding streak within Pakistani society. The policy that wanted to reject Afghanistan’s irredentism by getting Kabul to accept the Durand Line ended up creating an Islamist bloc on both sides with deep linkages and rejection of the idea of national boundaries.

The penetration became complete with the Taliban policy, pursued from 1994 onwards, to open up the southern route to Turkmenistan. Again, Pakistan signalled to other players that it was the dominant actor. Musharraf argues that the world should have recognised the Taliban regime because that would have given the world leverage over the Taliban and “we could have saved the Bamiyan Buddha statues and even untangled the Osama bin Laden dispute”.

My question is: we had recognised the Taliban, were supporting them to the hilt and it was in our interest to get them to fall in line; why did we fail to either save the Buddha statues or “untangle the Bin Laden dispute”? Not just that, we couldn’t even get the Taliban to accept the Durand Line! And what Mullah Omar did to Prince Turki al Feisal is already a recorded incident.

Published in The Express Tribune, December 31st, 2010.

Link to source: http://tribune.com.pk/story/97035/afghanistan-a-response-to-musharraf--i/

Thursday, December 30, 2010

Behsud protest in Toronto 2 .MOD

Construction of road from Qara Bagh to Jaghori under way

Written by By U.S. Air Force Chief Master Sgt. Julie Brummund Ghazni Provincial Reconstruction Team Tuesday, 21 December 2010 16:22


GHAZNI PROVINCE, Afghanistan - The Ghazni Provincial Reconstruction Team traveled to Qara Bagh District Dec. 17 to inspect the status of the ongoing road project between Qara Bagh city and Sanga Masha in Jaghuri District.

The road project, contracted with RWA Construction Company, covers 28 kilometers and connects the capitals of these two districts. This road project is a major priority for the Government of the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan and the PRT, according to U.S. Navy Cmdr John Doolittle of St. Petersburg, Fla., PRT commander.

“We are working closely with GIRoA to ensure this road project is completed before the end of the next construction season,” he added.

The RWA Construction Company has committed to completing the road by June 2011.

The road will provide access from the Jaghori capital to Highway 1, part of GIRoA’s objective to connect each district center with the highway that rings the country.

Link to Source: http://cjtf101.com/en/press-releases-mainmenu-326/3861-construction-of-road-from-qara-bagh-to-jaghori-under-way-.html

Wednesday, December 29, 2010

Young Hazara Scholar answers questions

Steps afoot for promotion of scouting

Updated at 1830 PST Wednesday, December 29, 2010
 
 
QUETTA: Balochistan Minister for Quality Education Jan Ali Changezi has said steps were being taken to promote scouting in the province.

According to a statement issued on Wednesday, he lauded role of Balochistan Scouts in helping flood-hit people in the province.

He said schools were nursery of scouting and sports.

He also appreciated Balochistan Scouts for their role in maintenance of peace during Muharram-ul-Haram.

He said no region could get goals of progress and prosperity without equipping its new generation with standard education.

He urged students to pay their fully attention to education and learning.

Link to source: http://www.thenews.com.pk/NewsDetail.aspx?ID=8281