Azaranica is a non-biased news aggregator on Hazaras. The main aim is to promote understanding and respect for cultural identities by highlighting the realities they face on daily basis...Hazaras have been the victim of active persecution and discrimination and one of the reasons among many has been the lack of information, awareness, and disinformation.

Saturday, February 26, 2011

Looking at ‘the other’ through very different lenses

R.M. Vaughan: The Exhibitionist




Rafal Gerszak at Pikto Gallery
Until March 6, 55 Mill St., Building 59-103, Toronto; pikto.com/gallery

Two very different photographic experiences await viewers with the fortitude to go stroller-dodging through Toronto’s Distillery District.

Rafal Gerszak’s Thousand, a photo-documentary of the Hazara community in Afghanistan – a minority group who live under near-constant threat of violence from the dominant populations – is a remarkably gentle show, given the ungentle reality of the Hazara people. Taken with an old camera (i.e. using rolls of film, not digital files) that Gerszak bought in Afghanistan, the portraits and landscapes are suffused with a smoky, indistinct light, a dreamy texture that makes this largely unknown people seem even more difficult to know.
I know it’s cliché to talk about the warmth of film compared with digital imagery’s crisp exactness (not to mention the whole mysterious peoples in faraway lands chestnut), but sometimes the film/digital cliché is just true (and people you don’t know are mysterious, whether they live on another continent or next door). But Gerszak is careful not to fall into the exoticizing traps of Orientalism – while the photos may look as if they were taken through a cloud of incense haze, the subjects are too self-aware, and camera-aware, to be read as romanticized others, as uninformed objects of questionable anthropological study.

In one image, a woman stands in front of a plaster wall that looks like it was the victim of a bad mould attack, or worse. Small and finely featured, the woman nevertheless owns the pictorial space. Her gaze is direct, and despite all the distressed surface that surrounds her, her expression conveys both confidence and caution.

In another image, an elderly man sits by himself in a rundown café, surrounded by empty chairs (the implication is clear – men and women of fighting age, adults who might be his friends or relatives, are otherwise occupied). The man looks to the floor, pensively. It would be easy to read this as a maudlin image, but only if one does not take into account the man’s perfectly folded scarf, tidy appearance and flawlessly knotted turban. This is not a bedraggled survivor, but rather a man whose fate, which we can only assume has been very likely tainted by violence, has not robbed him of his innate sense of self-presentation, indeed his natty style.
The standout image from Thousand, for me, is a blunt head-and-shoulders portrait of a bearded man in his mid-40s (my age), dressed in a military-style jacket and sporting a haphazardly wound turban. Alarmingly handsome, in that crinkly Harrison Ford way, the man could be a Hazara movie star. His sideways glance is caught midway between mocking and crabby, and his mouth is equally uncertain whether to smile or sneer.

Apparently, no matter what one’s situation, the quizzical distrust of the camera remains universal.
Stephen Waddell at Clark & Faria
Until March 20, 55 Mill Street, Building 2, Toronto, www.monteclarkgallery.com

It’s perhaps unfair to compare Stephen Waddell’s photographs of street life in Vancouver and Berlin with Gerszak’s practice. British Columbia is not Afghanistan, parallel booming narcotics trades aside. Waddell has not tasked himself with making a record of a threatened people. Nevertheless, similarities linger.

Both Waddell and Gerszak photograph found people, and thus engage in dialogues about the intrusiveness of the lens and the problematics of capturing strangers without demeaning or otherwise objectifying said subjects. Gerszak’s approach is more direct – his subjects clearly know they are being photographed. Waddell presents a more sneaky, and thus more fraught, strategy. Most of his subjects are not facing the camera: They are recorded with their backs turned or while looking away from the photographer’s front-and-centre position.

When Waddell’s casual, sidestep strategy works, it really works. For instance, an image of a rail-thin older woman taking a break outside of a Berlin cinema, her hip titling sexily away from the focal point, is coy and considered. Is she posing? We can’t know. In another work, a young woman with bright green hair tiptoes across a railway track. We see only the back of her dyed head, and her body wrapped in a cheery summer dress. Did she agree to this photograph? Again, we are limited in what we can know.

The most intriguing photo of the suite is of a street person pushing a packed, bright-blue shopping cart. I write “street person” with confidence only after asking the gallerist some core questions: Is this an actor? If not, does Waddell know this person? Did the subject agree to be photographed? I am very suspicious of photographers who photograph the poor and possibly abject, and I hate, to red-eyed rage, the poverty tourism generated by too many photographers in this country.

Another reason I grilled the gallerist is that the person pushing the cart is wearing a bright-green goblin Halloween mask – an inherently performative gesture. This mask, I learned, was the central reason for Waddell deciding to photograph someone he sees every day in his Vancouver neighbourhood.

Without question, Waddell’s magpie-sharp eye for accidental, found colour combinations is sharp and smart, as witnessed in his many photographs of Berlin’s non-stop, carnivalesque vibe. But to think that all Waddell saw of this person, who may or may not be living in diminished circumstances, was the mask, that Waddell may have read this person as a mere visual stimulant, not a human being, unnerved me. So, I asked.

Waddell, I’m told, is familiar with his subject and the subject was aware of the camera. Fine.

Perhaps in an age when we are all being reduced to visual fodder, through Facebook and other image-generating/delivering systems, Waddell’s half-considered, half-accidental approach to photographing “the other” is the best we can hope for.
Whatever you decide about the humanistic implications of Waddell’s work, you can never say the artist takes a boring picture. The amount of unpacking his see-saw semiotics require will keep any viewer busy for hours.

Source,
http://www.theglobeandmail.com/news/arts/rm-vaughan/photos-from-gerszak-waddell-highlight-visual-distance/article1920741/?utm_medium=Feeds%3A%20RSS%2FAtom&utm_source=Toronto&utm_content=1920741

Friday, February 25, 2011

Bamiyan Buddhas once glowed in red, white and blue : Eurek Alert

Bamiyan Buddhas once glowed in red, white and blue
TUM conservators research the ruins of the statues and offer an outlook on the prospect of restoration
This release is available in Spanish, French and German.



IMAGE: The illustration shows the colored appearance of the Bamiyan Buddhas’ robes at the end of the 10th century. Parts damaged in later periods, which cannot be reconstructed, are made visible.

Credit: Arnold Metzinger

The world watched in horror as Taliban fanatics ten years ago blew up the two gigantic Buddha statues that had since the 6th century looked out over the Bamiyan Valley in what is now Afghanistan. Located on the Silk Road, until the 10th century the 55 and 38 meter tall works of art formed the centerpiece of one of the world's largest Buddhist monastic complexes. Thousands of monks tended countless shrines in the niches and caves that pierced a kilometer-long cliff face.

Since the suppression of the Taliban regime, European and Japanese experts, working on behalf of UNESCO and coordinated by the International Council on Monuments and Sites (ICOMOS), have been endeavoring to secure the remains and restore access to the statues. The fragments are being very carefully examined, as prior to the explosion the Buddha statues had barely been researched. For a year and a half now, scientists from the Chair of Restoration, Art Technology and Conservation Science have been studying several hundred fragments at the TUM. Their findings not only contribute to our understanding of this world cultural heritage site, they may also enable the parts recovered to be reassembled:



Coloration: "The Buddhas once had an intensely colorful appearance," says Professor Erwin Emmerling. His team discovered that prior to the conversion of the region to Islam, the statues were overpainted several times, presumably because the colors had faded. The outer robes, or sangati, were painted dark blue on the inside and pink, and later bright orange, on top. In a further phase, the larger Buddha was painted red and the smaller white, while the interior of the robes was repainted in a paler blue. The graphic reconstruction undertaken by the TUM researchers confirms ancient traditions: sources as far back as the 11th century speak of one red Buddha and one moon-white. The other parts of the figures may possibly have had a white priming coat, but that can no longer be proven beyond doubt.





IMAGE: Restorers from the Technische Universitaet Muenchen have analyzed hundreds of fragments of the Bamiyan Buddhas.

Credit: Catharina Blaensdorf / TU Muenche

Construction technique: The statues themselves were hewn out of the cliff; however, the flowing garments were formed by craftsmen using clay, which was applied in two or three layers. The remains display an astonishing degree of artistic skill. "The surfaces are perfectly smooth – of a quality otherwise only found in fired materials such as porcelain," says Professor Emmerling. In the clay, the TUM conservators found straw and chaff which absorb moisture, animal hairs which stabilize the plaster like fine glass fibers, and quartz and other additives which prevent shrinkage. The bottom layer of plaster was held in place with ropes attached to small wooden pegs. This allowed the craftsmen of old to apply unusually thick layers of up to eight centimeters. "These have survived not only nearly 1500 years of history, but even the explosion in some parts," adds Professor Emmerling in amazement.


Dating: Previous attempts to determine when the statues originated were estimates based on the style of the Buddha's robes or similar criteria. Now mass spectrometer tests at the ETH Zurich and the University of Kiel have determined the age of the organic material in the clay layers. The TUM scientists have, as a result, been able to date the construction of the smaller Buddha to between 544 and 595 and the larger Buddha between 591 and 644.


Conservation: How can the fragments at this world heritage site be conserved for the future? The ICOMOS teams have in the meantime stacked the ruins in temporary warehouses in the Bamiyan Valley. Larger pieces have been covered over in situ. "However, that will only last for a few years, because the sandstone is very porous," Professor Emmerling explains. Conventional methods of conservation are out of the question. "On this scale, under the climatic conditions in the Bamiyan Valley, the behavior of the synthetic resins usually used would vary too widely relative to the natural rock." Expert conservator Professor Emmerling has therefore joined forces with Consolidas, a company founded by a TUM graduate, to refine a process recently developed by the latter for possible use on the Buddha fragments: instead of synthetic resins, it might be possible to inject an organic silicon compound in the stone.





IMAGE: The bottom layer of the Bamiyan Buddhas' plaster was held in place with ropes.

Credit: Edmund Melzl / ICOMOS

In addition, the TUM conservators are also working on a 3D model of the cliff face that shows all of the pieces in their former position. Professor Emmerling considers a reconstruction of the smaller Buddha to be fundamentally possible – he argues in favor of reassembling the recovered parts, rather than attempting to reconstruct the original condition in antiquity. As far as the larger Buddha is concerned, in view of its depth of around 12 meters, Professor Emmerling is more skeptical. The smaller figure with a depth of around two meters was more along the lines of a relief. However, even to restore this figure, there are political and practical obstacles to overcome. Conservation of the fragments would require the construction of a small factory in the Bamiyan Valley – alternatively some 1400 rocks weighing up to two tons each would have to be transported to Germany. A conference to be held in Paris next week will consider the continuing fate of the Buddhas.


###
Contact:
Prof. Erwin Emmerling
Technische Universitaet Muenchen
Lehrstuhl für Restaurierung, Kunsttechnologie und Konservierungswissenschaft
Tel.: 089 21124 -559 / -568
E-mail: emmerling@tum.de

Source,
http://www.eurekalert.org/pub_releases/2011-02/tum-bbo022511.php

German scientists eye Afghan Buddha reconstruction

(AFP)

BERLIN — German scientists said Friday they believed it possible to reconstruct one of the world-famous Bamiyan Buddhas dynamited by the Taliban in Afghanistan in 2001, prompting worldwide condemnation.

Scientists from the University of Munich, in southern Germany, have examined fragments of the statues -- the world's largest Buddhas -- and concluded that the smaller one could be pieced together.

The two sculptures, 53 metres (173 feet) and 35 metres tall, had stood sentinel for 1,500 years in Bamiyan province before they were blown up by Islamists who believed them to be idolatrous.

Erwin Emmerling, the leader of the team sifting through hundreds of fragments, "considers a reconstruction of the smaller Buddha to be fundamentally possible," the university said in a statement.

"As far as the larger Buddha is concerned, in view of its depth (thickness) of around 12 metres, Professor Emmerling is more sceptical," it said.

Nevertheless, the university cited "political and practical" obstacles to rebuilding the precious statues.

Either a small factory would have to be built in the Bamiyan valley or some 1,400 rocks weighing up to two tonnes each would have to be transported to Germany. Japanese funding could reportedly be used to rebuild the sculptures.

They were once painted a variety of colours, the scientists said, including dark blue, pink, orange, red and white.

"The Buddhas once had an intensely colourful appearance," Emmerling said.

Based on their investigation, the scientists also dated the smaller Buddha to between 544 and 595 AD. The bigger Buddha was built between 591 and 644, they said.

A conference in Paris to debate the future of the Buddhas is expected to take place next week, the statement said.

The niches where they once stood overlooking Bamiyan city, the eponymous capital of the province, are being restored as a UN World Heritage site.

بحران در مجلس نمایندگان، قدرت سیاسی و خواسته های قومی

توفیق نیافتن نمایندگان پارلمان درانتخاب رئیس این مجلس پس از برگذاری چهار
دوره انتخابات پر تنش و پرچالش، نه بخاطر قحطی رجال سیاسی است و نه الزاما نشانه آزادی های دمکراتیک در یک فرایند مدنی، بلکه نشانگر نوعی شکست و گسستی است که پس از ده سال تلاش و امید داخلی و تکاپو و حمایت خارجی از روند تربیت مدنی سیاستمداران افغانستان و بهسازی نظام سیاسی دراین کشور، صورت گرفته است.

پریشانی در نظام اندیشه سیاسی

کند ذهنی رهبران سیاسی افغانستان در درک شرایط پیچیده و نا توانی آنها در ایجاد تغییرات ذهنی و اخلاق سیاسی، موجب شده است که فرصتهای ده ساله پس از سقوط رژیم طالبان، برای ایجاد و تقویت نظم مدنی و تجربه دولتسازی، به تدریج به غفلت سپری گردد.

پس از قرارداد بن در سال ٢٠٠١ که نظارت و حمایت جامعه بین المللی از فرایند صلح و استقرار نظام سیاسی، تنگتر، مسلط تر و نزدیکتر بود، روند کلی اوضاع سیاسی و سیر تعامل رهبران و سیاستمداران افغانستان در حوزه قدرت و جامعه نیز، موجه تر و منضبط تر می نمود.

در تمام گزینش ها و گفتمان هایی که پیرامون دولت موقت، دولت انتقالی و یا دور نخست انتخابات ریاست جمهوری و پارلمانی انجام شد، توافق و تعامل بر سیره و منش خویشتندارانه شکیبایی و مسالمت جویی استوار بود اما بعد از سال ٢٠٠٥، که تلاش ناسنجیده و عاطفی برای فاصله گرفتن تدریجی رهبری کشور از حوزه ی نفوذ و تاثیرحامیان بیرونی تبارز یافت. نه تنها استقلال سیاسی و ارتقای ظرفیت سیاسی ـ مدیریتی تامین نشد بلکه هر روز به چالش تدریجی در روابط دوستانه با حامیان بین المللی دامن زده شد و از دیگرسو، نوعی فرسایش و نا خویشتنداری نیز در تعامل ارکان دولت و در میان بازیگران سیاست کلان کشور، مجال ظهور پیدا کرد.

چهار دور انتخابات برای گزینش رئیس مجلس نمایندگان، نشان داد که هیچ یک از کاندیداهای دو دور اخیر نتوانسته اند آرای سیاف و قانونی را کسب کنند. چنین موضوعی این گمان را تقویت می کند که دو فرد یاد شده، با توجه به این که بیشترین شانس را در میان حامیان و هوادان خود دارند، ممکن است سناریویی در کار باشد که بازهم به بازگشت و کاندید شدن آنان منجر گردد.
در سالهای پسین، در همه مقاطع مهم و تحولات بزرگی مانند انتخابات ریاست جمهوری و انتخابات پارلمانی و یا پدیده های سیاسی ـ داخلی دیگر، بازیگران سیاسی تا سرحد ستیزه های خطرساز پیش رفته اند و روند ملی را دچار آسیبهای جدی نموده اند.

این نشانه هارا به روشنی می توان درانتخابات دور دوم ریاست جمهوری و نیز پارلمانی دید. تنش، تخلف و تقابل گستره و پر مخاطره ای که در فرایند این دو مرحله ی انتخاباتی و بصورت نا معقول تر در بحران بازگشایی شورای ملی پدید آمد، نوعی بازگشت به سنت های قومی سیاست ورزی و رجوع به اخلاق سیاسی دوره جنگهای داخلی را بازتولید کرد.

اکنون اما، نا امیدی، بی اعتباری و نا کامی ای که در جریان انتخاب رئیس پارلمان اتفاق افتاده، تجلی پریشانی عمیقی در تعامل ملی و عقیم ماندن اندیشه سیاسی و درک و تعهد ملی در میان رهبران، سیاستمداران وحتی روشنفکران افغانستان می باشد که از پند نیاموزی سیاسی، فقدان درک قواعد بازی و مساحت محدود عقلانیت و خرد خود بنیاد این نخبگان، نشأت می گیرد.

قدرت سیاسی وخواسته های قومی

به نظر می رسد بن بست پدید آمده در انتخاب ریس مجلس نمایندگان، پیش از آن که بصورت ساده، درصف بندی سه جبهه " دولت"، " اپوزیسیون" و"بی طرف ها" تعریف گردد، نیازمند دید عمیقتر و توضیح جامعه شناختی از موزایک قومی افغانستان می باشد.

تعمق در ترکیب قومی اعضای مجلس نمایندگان در دور جدید، الگوی واقع بینانه تری در تحلیل و بازشناسی بحران های سیاسی ـ ملی به دست می دهد که درک کنیم مشکل انتخاب رئیس شوری اساسا ریشه درمفروضه چگونگی پدیده توزیع قدرت دارد نه الزاما در جناح بندی های سیاسی و یا گروه بندی های فکری ـ ایدئولوژیک.

براساس یک بر رسی، از مجموع ۲۴۹ عضو مجلس نمایندگان، ۹۸ کرسی به پشتون ها، ۷۲ کرسی به تاجیک ها، ۵۲ کرسی به هزاره ها و ۱۹ کرسی دیگر به ازبکها اختصاص یافته و اقلیت های قومی دیگر در مجلس صاحب هشت کرسی شده اند.

این آمار صرف نظر از میزان شمارگان، بیانگر تکثر و تنوعی است که ساختار قومی افغانستان را آیینه داری می کند و همواره در تاریخ سیاسی ـ اجتماعی این کشور منشا گوناگونی فرهنگی، نا همگونی اجتماعی، شکافهای فعال ساختاری و نا شکیبایی های سیاسی بوده است.

پس از ورود و خروج نیروهای شوروی سابق از افغانستان، موازنه ی سنتی قدرت در افغانستان فروریخت و در آرایش تازه، گروههای دیگر قومی فرصت ظهور سیاسی و تبلور اجتماعی پیدا کردند. تاجیک ها، مهمترین گروه قومی بودند که با پیروزی مجاهدین، قدرت سیاسی را بدست آوردند و به مدت ٥ سال در کابل فرمان راندند.


یونس قانونی رئیس پیشین مجلس می گوید اگر یکی از کسانی که در دوره های چهارگانه قبلی نامزد ریاست مجلس بودند، دوباره نامزد شوند، او نیز کاندیدا خواهد بود
ظهور و تسلط طالبان بر افغانستان اما، به اعاده دوباره قدرت سیاسی به پشتون ها منجر شد. با ورود آمریکا و ائتلاف بین المللی به افغانستان، هرچند رژیم قبیله ای ـ مذهبی طالبان سقوط کرد اما برمبنای معاهده و مواقتنامه بن، سنت سیاسی توزیع قدرت تجدید شد و مشروعیت بین المللی پیدا کرد.

برمبنای این سنت، برای نخستین بار، نوعی سلسله مراتب درتعریف و توزیع قدرت سیاسی شکل گرفت. این سلسله مراتب در نماد رئیس جمهوری پشتون بعنوان قدرت نخست، معاون اول تاجیک به مثابه قدرت دوم و معاون دوم هزاره در ردیف قدرت سوم، تمثیل می گردد. مدعا و مصداق اجتماعی تبلور این سلسله مراتب در دو دوره انتخابات ریاست جمهوری نیز به نمایش در آمد. برمبنای این سنجش( نه چندان دقیق وغیر قابل اتکا) کاندید پشتون ها در رتبه نخست، کاندید تاجیک ها در رتبه دوم وکاندید هزاره ها در ردیف سوم قرار گرفته اند.

این که این نماد تا چه حد از حقایق عینی و واقعیتهای قومی افغانستان نمایندگی می کند، موضوع دیگری است اما آنچه که قابل طرح، درخور سنجش و شایسته اندیشه گری است این است که همه طرفها و اقوام عمده، با استدلال ها و مبتنی بر توقعات و مطالبات مخصوص به خود، از نحوه چیدمان قدرت سیاسی نقش و میزان نقش و حضور خود درساختار نظام دولتی ناراضی هستند.

تاجیک ها که رقیب اصلی پشتون ها درتعامل قدرت سیاسی هستند، پس از تجربه حکومت بر کابل، نوستالوژی بازگشت به این دوره را همیشه در آرزوی سیاسی خویش حفظ کرده اند. دراین میان، هزاره ها وازبک ها، مدعی رقابت در قدرت نیستند اما خواهان مشارکت درساختار قدرت و سهم درخور از نظام سیاسی و امتیازات ملی می باشند.

این دو قوم در فرایند تعامل قدرت میان پشتون ها و تاجیک ها، نقش مهم و متوازن کننده را دارند. گرایش سیاسی و ائتلاف استراتژیک این دو قوم با هرکدام از دو گروه مدعی قدرت سیاسی، می تواند تعیین کننده معادله چیدمان قدرت باشد.

در ماجرای انتخاب رئیس مجلس نمایندگان، پدیده توزیع قدرت قومی نقش تعیین کننده ای ایفا می کند. مقام ریاست مجلس نمایندگان، تنها موقعیتی بود که در دور گذشته از کنترل پشتون ها خارج بود. تقریبا تمامی گروه ها و جناح های سیاسی پشتون این بار به تصاحب ریاست پارلمان چشم دوخته اند. ظاهرا به نظر می رسد حامد کرزی نیز به دلیل نگاه قومی و هم بخاطر یک کاسه شدن ارکان دولتی، شدیدا در تلاش است که این مقام در اختیار گروه قومی وسیاسی خود وی قرار بگیرد.

نیروی متوازن کننده و ائتلاف های شکننده

پیش ازجریان رأی گیری برای انتخاب ریس مجلس نمایندگان، نمایندگان هزاره، گویا با یونس قانونی به توافقاتی رسیده بودند تا از وی حمایت کنند اما آنگونه که در چهار دوره رای گیری روشن شد، این توافقات چندان محکم و قطعی نبوده است. به نظر می رسد این حکایت، تابلویی است از وضعیت آشفته سیاسی و عمق ناپایداری ها و بی اعتمادی هایی که در جان و جهان سیاستمداران و رهبران قومی افغاستان تنیده است و بخوبی در جریان بن بست انتخاب رئیس مجلس نمایندگان تبلور یافته است.

هزاره ها و بخش زیادی از ازبک ها در سیاستمداری و فرایند چانه زنی امروزه کشور، از چند خلا و مشکل بزرگ رنج می برند:

نخست فقدان رهبری سیاسی متمرکز، موثر و مقتدر.

دوم، فقدان اهداف تعریف شده و روشن استراتژیک.

سوم، گرایش های جناحی ودرون گروهی متفاوت، وگاه متضاد.

چهارم، ظهور نسل جدیدی از سیاستگران و بازیگران که عمدتا از تجربه، توانایی و حمایت لازم در چانه زنی ها برخوردار نیستند و بیشتر فردی و مستقل عمل می کنند.

پنجم، تجربه ی ناکام از ائتلافهای سیاسی با سایر گروههای قومی وگرفتار شدن دربحران شک وبی اعتمادی.

این خصوصیات سیاسی بازیگران عرصه ی سیاست هزاره ها وازبک ها، در نتایج چانه زنی بر سر توافق با یونس قانونی و یا عبدالرب رسول سیاف نیز تبلور پیدا کرد.


عبدالرب رسول سیاف رقیب اصلی یونس قانونی برای ریاست مجلس تاکید دارد که برای حل بحران کنونی باید به کمیته نظارت از قانون اساسی مراجعه شود
چهار دور انتخابات برای گزینش رئیس مجلس نمایندگان، نشان داد که هیچ یک از کاندیداهای دو دور اخیر نتوانسته اند آرای سیاف و قانونی را کسب کنند. چنین موضوعی این گمان را تقویت می کند که دو فرد یاد شده، با توجه به این که بیشترین شانس را در میان حامیان و هوادان خود دارند، ممکن است سناریویی در کار باشد که بازهم به بازگشت و کاندید شدن آنان منجر گردد.

حال، پرسش اساسی این است که اگر چنین اتفاقی بیفتد، آیا نمایندگان هزاره و ازبک با توجه به تنشهای پدید آمده در روزهای اخیر، کدام گزینه را انتخاب خواهند کرد؟ و آیا مجلس نمایندگان بعنوان یک مرجع دمکراتیک و قانونگذار، هویت های قومی و رویکردهای قبیله ای را وارد فاز تازه ای در حوزه چانه زنی های سیاسی نخواهد کرد؟ و آیا این خطر که گرایش های قومی در مجلس نمایندگان به قوت خود باقی بماند و نتواند به مرور زمان تبدیل به یک گرایش ملی شود، بیشتر از پیش احساس نمی شود.

حمزه واعظی

نویسنده و پژوهشگر افغان در اسلو

Source,
http://www.bbc.co.uk/persian/afghanistan/2011/02/110225_l09_af_parliament_problems.shtml

The failed state we’re in

Clare Lockhart 29th June 2008 — Issue 147

The international community has spent billions on reconstructing Afghanistan—yet the country has made dismayingly little progress. It's time for a radical new approach to state-building

We would like to tell you the story of $150m going up in smoke,” said the young villager. “We heard on the radio that there was going to be a reconstruction programme in our region to help us rebuild our houses after coming back from exile, and we were very pleased.”

This was the summer of 2002. The village was in a remote part of Bamiyan province, in Afghanistan’s central highlands, and several hours’ drive from the provincial capital—utterly cut off from the world. UN agencies and NGOs were rushing to provide “quick impact” projects to help Afghan citizens in the aftermath of war. $150m could have transformed the lives of the inhabitants of villages like this one.

But it was not to be, as the young man explained. “After many months, very little had happened. We may be illiterate, but we are not stupid. So we went to find out what was going on. And this is what we discovered: the money was received by an agency in Geneva, who took 20 per cent and subcontracted the job to another agency in Washington DC, who also took 20 per cent. Again it was subcontracted and another 20 per cent was taken; and this happened again when the money arrived in Kabul. By this time there was very little money left; but enough for someone to buy wood in western Iran and have it shipped by a shipping cartel owned by a provincial governor at five times the cost of regular transportation. Eventually some wooden beams reached our villages. But the beams were too large and heavy for the mud walls that we can build. So all we could do was chop them up and use them for firewood.”

Source,

http://www.prospectmagazine.co.uk/2008/06/thefailedstatewerein/

9th Expert Working Group Meeting for the Safeguarding of the Archaeological Remains of the Bamiyan Valley

UNESCO is organizing, in close collaboration with the Permanent Delegation of Afghanistan to UNESCO and the Government of Afghanistan, the 9th Expert Working Group Meeting for the Preservation of the Safeguarding of the Cultural Landscape and Archaeological Remains of the Bamiyan Valley World Heritage Property, UNESCO Headquarters (Room VI).

The 45 participants of the Expert Working Group Meeting include national staff from the Afghan Government, international experts and implementing partners. The purpose of the Meeting is to monitor and evaluate the project activities that have been carried out and to update and co-ordinate future priority actions for the following year. The Afghan Government participates fully in the co-ordination of the previous Expert Working meetings with representatives from the Ministry of Information and Culture, the Ministry of Urban Development as well as the Governor of Bamiyan.

The two-day expert working meeting follows the 2 March 2011 International Forum: "Towards Cultural Rapprochement and Tolerance", to commemorate the 10th anniversary of the tragic destruction of the Buddha statues in Bamiyan in March 2001.

Source,
http://whc.unesco.org/fr/evenements/726

Saturday, February 19, 2011

The hill of gold

(It seems that history of Central Asia is interlinked so deeply to each other that modern segregation of nations becomes increasingly obscure as we go deep past)........

The hill of goldIn 1978 a hoard of treasures was discovered at Tillya Tepe, Afghnistan. Having survived thirty years of shelling, looting and Taliban raids it's the highlight of a new British Museum exhibition


Peter Thonemann , The Guardian,

Saturday 19 February 2011, Article history



Treasures from Tillya Tepe ... a pair of gold clasps depicting warriors. Photograph: National Museum of Afghanistan © Thierry Ollivier/Museé Guimet

Are you keen to help finance the activities of warlords and insurgents across Afghanistan and Pakistan? As I write, eBay is inviting bids on no fewer than 128 ancient Bactrian and Indo-Greek silver and bronze coins, from sellers in Pakistan, Singapore, Thailand and the United States. Probably every one of them is the product of looting over the past 20 years. With luck, you might even pick up one of the tens of thousands of items plundered from the collections of the old National Museum of Afghanistan in Kabul between 1992 and 2001. For those with deep pockets, I can particularly recommend the eBay seller "The Precious Art from Past", who is currently offering 289 looted AfPak objects for sale, including an extraordinary ancient Gandharan sculpture of a seated Heracles in near-perfect condition, yours for £18,950 plus postage and packing.

Such are the hazards of living at a "crossroads of civilizations". It must be said that this kind of briskly utilitarian attitude towards Afghanistan's pre-Islamic heritage is nothing new. In 1999, the leader of the Taliban government, Mullah Omar, issued a decree forbidding any damage to the monumental Buddhas of Bamiyan, on the grounds that the Taliban considered the Bamiyan statues "as an example of a potential major source of income for Afghanistan from international visitors". Aside from their potential economic value, no obvious benefits derived from the existence of the Bamiyan Buddhas: as Omar rightly noted "In Afghanistan there are no Buddhists to worship the statues."

Why should a Pashtun Muslim feel any sense of responsibility for the culture of Gandharan Buddhists? Dozens of times over the past 3,000 years, the plains and valleys around the foothills of the Hindu Kush have changed hands between Iranians, Greeks, Chinese, Scythians, Turks and Indians. An oft-photographed plaque outside the National Museum in Kabul reads: "A Nation Stays Alive When Its Culture Stays Alive". No one should be taken in by the bland phrasing – this is as provocative as it gets. Which culture? Whose nation? In March 2001, Omar gave one answer, by revoking his decision of two years earlier and ordering the dynamiting of the Bamiyan buddhas. Simultaneously, most of the few remaining pre-Islamic objects in the Kabul museum were also smashed or sold off. It would be quite wrong to see the events of March 2001 as merely an act of barbarous vandalism (though they certainly were that too). They also represented a particular claim about which bits of Afghanistan's history were worth preserving: for the Taliban, the only "national culture" that mattered was the one that began in AD622.

For an alternative account of Afghanistan's bloody history – one, as it were, with the Buddhists left in – we can look to a spectacular exhibition which opens at the British Museum next month. Neil MacGregor, director of the museum, hopes to show that "We are at a historically anomalous moment when the country is seen as remote and isolated . . . Afghanistan's relationships are long and deep." At the heart of the exhibition is the miracle of Tillya Tepe, the "hill of gold", a huge earthen barrow 80 miles west of Mazar-i Sharif, between the Hindu Kush mountains and the streams of the Amu Darya. Some time in the mid-first century AD, this mound was chosen by a nomadic prince as his burial kurghan. The prince himself was interred at the peak of the hill, and a horse was sacrificed and buried alongside him. In a ring around the prince's tomb were the graves of five women, probably his five wives, all of them clad in gorgeous textiles and jewellery of extraordinary splendour.

Archaeologists recovered more than 20,000 objects from these six tombs, the richest of them coming from the graves of the two women buried closest to the Tillya Tepe prince. One of these two favoured princesses was buried with a silver Chinese mirror lying on her breast; beside her were an Indian ivory comb, a gold seal with the image and name of the goddess Athena in Greek, two distinctly European cherubs riding on the backs of dolphins, and, most remarkably of all, a gold coin of the Roman emperor Tiberius, minted at Lyon in Gaul between AD14 and 37.

Who were these women? What language did they speak? The jewellery from Tillya Tepe is like nothing known from any other part of the world: Chinese, Indian, Bactrian, Siberian and Greek styles are jumbled and fused together into a glorious but baffling kaleidoscope. Many of the gold objects are studded with brilliant coloured stones, above all with turquoise. Particularly common are turquoise stones in the shape of hearts. These probably depict the ivy plant, sacred to the Scythian nomads of central Asia: in 329BC, during his expedition into the central Asian steppe, Alexander the Great saw nomadic burial mounds and trees wreathed with ivy. There are other reasons to think that the nomads of Tillya Tepe might have been Scythians – the main sources of turquoise in inner Asia lie in the hills around Mashhad, around 300 miles west of Tillya Tepe in the heart of Scythian territory in north-eastern Iran.

It is hard to overstate the importance of the finds from Tillya Tepe. Nomads are the quintessential "people without history"; the nomadic encampment normally leaves no traces for the archaeologist to recover. These burials are, effectively, our only evidence for the long nomadic interlude in Afghan history between the fall of the Greek kingdom of Bactria in around 145BC and the rise of the Kushan state in the late first century AD. And crucially, whoever these nomads may have been, they were self-evidently as cosmopolitan as they come. Here, at the intersection of three ancient Asiatic trade routes, the princesses buried at Tillya Tepe were about as isolated from the wider world as Carla Bruni.

As their jewellery clearly shows, the Tillya Tepe nomads sat at the centre of a web of cultural connections and influences stretching across thousands of miles, from the Mediterranean to the Ganges. To the south, across the high passes of the Hindu Kush, the Kabul river valley leads down towards the Khyber pass and India. North of the Oxus river, a tangle of trading routes (the "Silk Road"), stretching from Han China through Xinjiang and central Asia, had grown up over the course of the last two centuries BC. It was in northern Afghanistan, in the region of Tillya Tepe, that the Chinese silk road met the long-established caravan routes stretching west across the Iranian plateau into Mesopotamia and, ultimately, across the eastern borders of the Roman empire. Fragments of Chinese silk have been found across the Roman empire, from Palmyra in the Syrian desert to Holborough in Kent. Whichever route this silk took on its way to Europe, whether overland via Iran or by ship from India to the Roman ports on the Red Sea, it could not avoid passing through the nomadic pastures of northern Afghanistan. The gold coin of Tiberius in the princess's grave at Tillya Tepe, 3,000 miles from its mint in southern France, is just one tiny trace of this vast network linking Beijing to the shores of the Atlantic.

The nomad graves were first uncovered by a Soviet-Afghan team in the autumn of 1978. Afghanistan in the late 70s was far from the ideal place and time for a vast hoard of gold of this kind to emerge. Late in 1979, once the finds had been analysed and photographed, they were handed over to the National Museum in Kabul for safe-keeping. By the end of the year, the Soviet Union had invaded Afghanistan. In 1988, as it became clear that the Soviets were preparing to withdraw, the communist president of Afghanistan, Muhammed Najibullah, had the finds from Tillya Tepe and other sites (including Ai Khanoum and Bagram, also on display in the British Museum exhibition) crated up and sealed in the vaults of the Afghan Central Bank. This proved to be a far-sighted move. As the country slid into anarchy in the early 90s, the Kabul museum was repeatedly shelled and looted; it was during these years that the museum's tens of thousands of artefacts began to be dispersed across the world.


When the Taliban took Kabul in 1996, Najibullah was promptly lynched and the bank vaults searched, without success. The few museum staff who knew the location of the Tillya Tepe finds kept it to themselves, and the crates were left undisturbed throughout the period of Taliban rule. Their fate officially remained unknown until 2003, when safes beneath the presidential palace were opened by the Afghan minister of culture. Sadly, the security situation in Kabul was still so fragile that it was impossible to contemplate displaying the Tillya Tepe gold in the Kabul museum itself. Since 2006, the artefacts have been touring Europe and the United States. Few Afghans have ever had the chance to see them in their home country.

Still, the Kabul museum is at least open to visitors again. In 2009, a small exhibition, Rescued Treasures, went on display at the museum, including the pick of more than 2,000 looted Afghan artefacts impounded at Heathrow airport in 2004. The British ambassador to Afghanistan, Mark Sedwill, described the purpose of the exhibition as "giving the Afghan people back that sense of cultural heritage that was so nearly taken from them". It is depressing to learn how few of these "rescued" objects actually came from the original, pre-1992 Kabul collection: most were the product of a fresh wave of looting of Afghanistan's ancient sites in the 90s and early 2000s.

Given Afghanistan's recent history, I think we ought to be a little wary about the ambassador's notion of a single Afghan "sense of cultural heritage", on the brink of being lost, but now "given back" to "the Afghan people". The Kabul museum is situated far to the south of the city centre in the Dar al-Aman district, a European-style suburb laid out by the westernising Shah Amanullah Khan in the 1920s. On the opposite side of the road from the museum lie the bombed-out ruins of Amanullah's Dar al-Aman palace, complete with Parisian arcades, neo-classical pediments and formal gardens. The juxtaposition of the two buildings is no coincidence. As in modern Iran, Afghanistan's pre-Islamic "heritage" is a sharply politicised and divisive issue. Iran's ruling Shia clerics view their pre-Islamic past with intense suspicion: the site of Persepolis, in particular, is stamped with the secular and westernising aspirations of the Shah's regime in the 1960s and 70s. Happily for Persepolis, the archaeology of ancient Persia is also central to Iranian national pride, since it proves how much older and more civilised they are than the Sunni Arabs. Afghan archaeology, while also closely associated with the secular wing of the country's urban elite, has no such useful nationalist overtones to protect it.

It is possible to over-analyse the dynamiting of the Bamiyan buddhas and the repeated vandalism of the Kabul museum. Whatever else he had in mind, Mullah Omar's actions in early 2001 had a lot to do with sticking two fingers up to the west. But there is a reason why that provocation was so effective. The Taliban were consciously and deliberately turning their back on Afghanistan's long history of engagement with China, the subcontinent and the west. The destruction of the buddhas was the crudest possible way of rejecting what they saw as a threateningly "secular" and cosmopolitan version of Afghanistan's history. Today, in a political context of de-Talibanisation, we are returning to the notion of a historically open, culturally pluralist Afghanistan – an Afghanistan which acted as a "crossroads of the ancient world" (to quote the title of the British museum exhibition). Which side will win this particular argument remains to be seen. For anyone within striking distance of London in the next four months, this really is Afghanistan as you have never seen it before.

Afghanistan: Crossroads of the Ancient World is at the British Museum, London WC1, from 3 March to 3 July 2011. www.britishmuseum.org

Source,
http://www.guardian.co.uk/artanddesign/2011/feb/19/afghanistan-crossroads-exhibition-british-museum