Change in Perspective from Eric Crowley on Vimeo.
Saturday, September 10, 2011
From policing 9/11 to studying Dari in Afghanistan
By Amie Ferris-Rotman
BAMIYAN, Afghanistan | Sat Sep 10, 2011 4:37am EDT
(Reuters) - Staff sergeant Luis Badillo prefers to leave his NATO base for weekend dinners, and head instead to local cafes where he can share jokes with Afghan colleagues in their native language.
Since arriving three months ago in beautiful but impoverished central Baimyan province, the 33-year-old New Yorker has stunned his Afghan and U.S. work mates by taking up Dari, one of the country's two main languages.
"It's fantastic seeing him chat to all the guys. We wish all of them would learn," said interpreter Asadullah, of the Army reservist's efforts.
After the Sept 11, 2001 assault on New York and Washington DC., Badillo, who is a New York state police officer, escorted victims' families to the smoldering Ground Zero site.
But he wanted to see first-hand the country where the attack was planned. "I needed to come here at least once and contribute in some way," Badillo told Reuters, in a thick New York accent
"So when my unit said they were looking for volunteers to train the Afghan (police), they didn't have to tell me twice."
Once he arrived, he decided learning the local language was crucial to garnering support for an increasingly unpopular war.
His interest is rare amongst the foreign forces that have been fighting the Taliban for nearly a decade.
U.S. General William Caldwell, who has overseen all NATO training of the Afghan army and police for the last two years, said Badillo is the first U.S. soldier he met to study Dari.
Because there are no language classes for foreign troops, Badillo attended the coalition's literacy class for Afghan security force recruits at the local police training base.
With literacy nationwide under 30 percent, the courses are mandatory for new police recruits.
"As they learned to read and write, so did I," he told Reuters after quickly jotting down notes in the Arabic script used to write Dari, to approving nods from Afghan colleagues.
He peppers conversation with historical tidbits about the province's Silk Road past and the Hazara ethnic group that dominates the area.
"Once people respect you, it's so easy. You speak their language, and it's a whole different world," Badillo said.
He is fortunate to be serving in one of the most peaceful places in Afghanistan, an anti-Taliban bastion whose inhabitants are largely Shi'ite Muslim and were badly mistreated by the Sunni Taliban.
In other parts of the country, U.S. soldiers would be risking their lives by wandering in local markets; here there is not even an Afghan army presence -- Afghan police alone guard the valley once famous for towering, centuries-old Buddha statues blown up by the Taliban.
(Editing by Emma Graham-Harrison and Jonathan Thatcher)
Source,
Reuters
India’s planned investment in Afghanistan
By Simbal Khan
Published: September 9, 2011
The writer is Director Afghanistan and Central Asia at the Institute of Strategic Studies Islamabad
Indian companies appear poised to win the contract for the mining of the 1.8 million ton of Hajigak iron ore deposits in Bamiyan, central Afghanistan. Keen Indian interest in getting a stake in this development of Afghanistan’s natural wealth is evident from the fact that 14 out of the 22 companies shortlisted to submit the formal bids are Indian. The Afghan government announced that the bids are going to be opened in October 2011. However, there is great likelihood that one of the two large Indian consortiums, led by the Steel Authority of India and the National Mineral Development Corporations, are likely to be awarded the contract.
This aggressive Indian bid for a stake in Afghanistan’s natural resource potential comes against a backdrop of several important developments. Since last year, as it has become evident that the US is moving towards a structured withdrawal of combat troops, Indian policy on Afghanistan has come under intense scrutiny and debate in India. The bid for the Hajigak contract by Indian firms, which includes two prominent state-owned entities, signals an end to recriminations of years gone by. At the same time, it serves as a clear policy statement, investing confidence in India’s ability to navigate the changes taking place in Afghanistan.
Moving away from an aid and reconstruction engagement, India like China, seeks to invest in the long-term development of Afghanistan’s abundant natural wealth. Clearly, there are strong geopolitical undertones to this proposed investment; with this bid India positions itself to compete with China in the resource-rich southern Central Asia, while signalling to Pakistan that Indian stakes in Afghanistan’s future go beyond and are independent of the timelines of the US/Nato military presence.
However, the problems that have plagued the success story of the Aynak Copper mines in 2008, awarded to the Chinese consortium, should serve as a cautionary reminder to the Indians. China continues to grapple with several issues at its copper mine in Aynak, including local resentment; security problems; and the unearthing of ancient religious relics, which have all delayed the project from taking off. Significantly, the $800 million mobilisation advance provided by the Chinese to the Afghan government, which was to cover the cost of the deployment of a 1,500 member special security force to guard the Aynak mines, has already been utilised with no sign of the police force.
Another ominous reminder of the problems associated with developing large infrastructural projects amidst war and insecurity is the rehabilitation programme of the old 1950s US-funded Kajaki Dam in Helmand province. The US, which had bombed the dam in 2001, started repairing the power plant in December 2004 and has had several problems since.
As the US shrinks its military footprint and most Nato countries prepare to withdraw their combat troops by 2014, guarding and undertaking large infrastructure projects is likely to get more problematic than before. With this proposed investment, India is likely to be even more invested in the security status quo and the general drift of the US war strategy in Afghanistan, even more so than some Nato member countries such as Britain and Germany. However, the sands of security are likely to shift with the impending shrinkage of US/Nato combat troops on the ground. India has two options: to patiently sit out the impending period of chaos and risk, sinking a large investment in project delays, or to gradually expand its role as a security actor in order to protect its investments and role. Both options have enormous costs which Delhi must ponder before it ‘irons’ its resolve to go ahead with the Hajigak investment.
Published in The Express Tribune, September 10th, 2011.
Source,
The Express Tribune
Published: September 9, 2011
The writer is Director Afghanistan and Central Asia at the Institute of Strategic Studies Islamabad
Indian companies appear poised to win the contract for the mining of the 1.8 million ton of Hajigak iron ore deposits in Bamiyan, central Afghanistan. Keen Indian interest in getting a stake in this development of Afghanistan’s natural wealth is evident from the fact that 14 out of the 22 companies shortlisted to submit the formal bids are Indian. The Afghan government announced that the bids are going to be opened in October 2011. However, there is great likelihood that one of the two large Indian consortiums, led by the Steel Authority of India and the National Mineral Development Corporations, are likely to be awarded the contract.
This aggressive Indian bid for a stake in Afghanistan’s natural resource potential comes against a backdrop of several important developments. Since last year, as it has become evident that the US is moving towards a structured withdrawal of combat troops, Indian policy on Afghanistan has come under intense scrutiny and debate in India. The bid for the Hajigak contract by Indian firms, which includes two prominent state-owned entities, signals an end to recriminations of years gone by. At the same time, it serves as a clear policy statement, investing confidence in India’s ability to navigate the changes taking place in Afghanistan.
Moving away from an aid and reconstruction engagement, India like China, seeks to invest in the long-term development of Afghanistan’s abundant natural wealth. Clearly, there are strong geopolitical undertones to this proposed investment; with this bid India positions itself to compete with China in the resource-rich southern Central Asia, while signalling to Pakistan that Indian stakes in Afghanistan’s future go beyond and are independent of the timelines of the US/Nato military presence.
However, the problems that have plagued the success story of the Aynak Copper mines in 2008, awarded to the Chinese consortium, should serve as a cautionary reminder to the Indians. China continues to grapple with several issues at its copper mine in Aynak, including local resentment; security problems; and the unearthing of ancient religious relics, which have all delayed the project from taking off. Significantly, the $800 million mobilisation advance provided by the Chinese to the Afghan government, which was to cover the cost of the deployment of a 1,500 member special security force to guard the Aynak mines, has already been utilised with no sign of the police force.
Another ominous reminder of the problems associated with developing large infrastructural projects amidst war and insecurity is the rehabilitation programme of the old 1950s US-funded Kajaki Dam in Helmand province. The US, which had bombed the dam in 2001, started repairing the power plant in December 2004 and has had several problems since.
As the US shrinks its military footprint and most Nato countries prepare to withdraw their combat troops by 2014, guarding and undertaking large infrastructure projects is likely to get more problematic than before. With this proposed investment, India is likely to be even more invested in the security status quo and the general drift of the US war strategy in Afghanistan, even more so than some Nato member countries such as Britain and Germany. However, the sands of security are likely to shift with the impending shrinkage of US/Nato combat troops on the ground. India has two options: to patiently sit out the impending period of chaos and risk, sinking a large investment in project delays, or to gradually expand its role as a security actor in order to protect its investments and role. Both options have enormous costs which Delhi must ponder before it ‘irons’ its resolve to go ahead with the Hajigak investment.
Published in The Express Tribune, September 10th, 2011.
Source,
The Express Tribune
Thursday, September 8, 2011
'استخراج از معدن آهن حاجیگک تا دو ماه دیگر آغاز می شود
'استخراج از معدن آهن حاجیگک تا دو ماه دیگر آغاز می شود'
به روز شده: 10:11 گرينويچ - پنج شنبه 08 سپتامبر 2011 - 17 شهریور 1390
حاجیگک بزرگترین معدن آهن افغانستان است
وزارت معادن افغانستان اعلام کرده که کارهای مقدماتی استخراج از معدن بزرگ آهن حاجیگک، در بامیان تا دو ماه دیگر آغاز خواهد شد.
این وزارت واگذاری امتیاز استخراج معدن حاجیگک را حدود یک سال پیش در سطح بین المللی به مزایده گذاشت و ۲۱ شرکت خارجی برای دریافت این امتیاز متقاضی شدند.
عبدالجلیل جمرانی، رئیس اداره سیاستگذاری و توسعه وزارت معادن روز چهارشنبه، ۱۶ سنبله/شهریور به خبرنگاران گفت که از میان این شرکت ها شش شرکت "پیشتاز" دانسته شده اند.
آقای جمرانی افزود که کار مزایده این معدن تا یک ماه دیگر به پایان خواهد رسید و امتیاز استخراج آن رسما به یکی از این شش شرکت واگذار شده و به دنبال آن استخراج آهن هم آغاز خواهد شد.
این مقام وزارت معادن افغانستان گفت: "شش شرکت پیشنهاد نهایی خود را ارائه کرده اند، که شامل دو شرکت هندی، یک شرکت آمریکایی یک شرکت کانادایی و دو شرکت ایرانی می شود. این بسته های پیشنهادی را ما دیروز بازکرده ایم و مطالعه می کنیم."
آقای جمرانی افزود: "در ظرف یک یا یک و نیم ماه آینده نظرات خود را در این مورد به کابینه ارائه می کنیم. انشاءالله تا آخر ماه اکتبر این روند را به پایان می رسانیم و با هر شرکتی که برنده شد، مذاکرات را شروع خواهیم کرد."
معدن آهن حاجیگک در سلسله کوه "بابا" در ولایت بامیان و در حدود صد کیلومتری غرب کابل، پایتخت موقعیت دارد. محل معدن حاجیگک ۱۶ کیلومتر طول و ۵۵۰ متر عمق دارد. براساس تخمین های اولیه، استخراج تمامی آهن موجود در این معدن، به ۱۸۰ سال زمان نیاز دارد.
براساس آمارهای موجود، این معدن نزدیک به دو میلیارد تن آهن را در خود جا داده است. مقام های افغان می گویند، با استخراج این معدن، افغانستان سالانه سیصد میلیون دلار به دست خواهد آورد و برای بیش از سی هزار نفر نیز زمینه کار فراهم خواهد کرد.
آقای جمرانی همچنین گفت که از پنج شرکت دیگری که برای استخراج معدن نفت ولایت سرپل، در شمال افغانستان درخواست داده بودند، یک شرکت چینی "پیشتاز" شده و این وزارت به زودی مذاکره با این شرکت را آغاز می کند.
او گفت: "این روند را هشت ماه پیش شروع کرده بودیم. ۱۲ شرکت آمادگی خود را برای استخراج این معدن نشان داده بودند و از آن جمله پنج شرکت بودند که می توانستند این کار را به پیش ببرند."
معاون وزارت معادن افزود که این شرکتها از کشورهای فرانسه، آمریکا، بریتانیا، پاکستان و چین هستند. او افزود که "بهترین پیشنهادی که به نفع افغانستان بود، همین پیشنهاد چینی ها بود و در چند روز آینده مذاکرات را با چینی ها شروع می کنیم".
آقای جمرانی نام این شرکت چینی را "شرکت ملی نفت چین" اعلام کرد.
افغانستان دارای منابع سرشار زیر زمینی است. وزارت معادن افغانستان ارزش مجموع منابع زیر زمینی این کشور را حدود سه ملیارد دلار تخمین کرده است.
هرچند پیش از این زمینشناسان آمریکایی ارزش کل منابع زیرزمینی افغانستان را یک ملیارد دلار تخمین زده بودند.
مقامات دولت افغانستان می گویند که سه دهه جنگ باعث شده است منابع زیر زمینی این کشور همچنان در زیر خاک مدفون بماند.
BBC FARSI
به روز شده: 10:11 گرينويچ - پنج شنبه 08 سپتامبر 2011 - 17 شهریور 1390
حاجیگک بزرگترین معدن آهن افغانستان است
وزارت معادن افغانستان اعلام کرده که کارهای مقدماتی استخراج از معدن بزرگ آهن حاجیگک، در بامیان تا دو ماه دیگر آغاز خواهد شد.
این وزارت واگذاری امتیاز استخراج معدن حاجیگک را حدود یک سال پیش در سطح بین المللی به مزایده گذاشت و ۲۱ شرکت خارجی برای دریافت این امتیاز متقاضی شدند.
عبدالجلیل جمرانی، رئیس اداره سیاستگذاری و توسعه وزارت معادن روز چهارشنبه، ۱۶ سنبله/شهریور به خبرنگاران گفت که از میان این شرکت ها شش شرکت "پیشتاز" دانسته شده اند.
آقای جمرانی افزود که کار مزایده این معدن تا یک ماه دیگر به پایان خواهد رسید و امتیاز استخراج آن رسما به یکی از این شش شرکت واگذار شده و به دنبال آن استخراج آهن هم آغاز خواهد شد.
این مقام وزارت معادن افغانستان گفت: "شش شرکت پیشنهاد نهایی خود را ارائه کرده اند، که شامل دو شرکت هندی، یک شرکت آمریکایی یک شرکت کانادایی و دو شرکت ایرانی می شود. این بسته های پیشنهادی را ما دیروز بازکرده ایم و مطالعه می کنیم."
آقای جمرانی افزود: "در ظرف یک یا یک و نیم ماه آینده نظرات خود را در این مورد به کابینه ارائه می کنیم. انشاءالله تا آخر ماه اکتبر این روند را به پایان می رسانیم و با هر شرکتی که برنده شد، مذاکرات را شروع خواهیم کرد."
معدن آهن حاجیگک در سلسله کوه "بابا" در ولایت بامیان و در حدود صد کیلومتری غرب کابل، پایتخت موقعیت دارد. محل معدن حاجیگک ۱۶ کیلومتر طول و ۵۵۰ متر عمق دارد. براساس تخمین های اولیه، استخراج تمامی آهن موجود در این معدن، به ۱۸۰ سال زمان نیاز دارد.
براساس آمارهای موجود، این معدن نزدیک به دو میلیارد تن آهن را در خود جا داده است. مقام های افغان می گویند، با استخراج این معدن، افغانستان سالانه سیصد میلیون دلار به دست خواهد آورد و برای بیش از سی هزار نفر نیز زمینه کار فراهم خواهد کرد.
آقای جمرانی همچنین گفت که از پنج شرکت دیگری که برای استخراج معدن نفت ولایت سرپل، در شمال افغانستان درخواست داده بودند، یک شرکت چینی "پیشتاز" شده و این وزارت به زودی مذاکره با این شرکت را آغاز می کند.
او گفت: "این روند را هشت ماه پیش شروع کرده بودیم. ۱۲ شرکت آمادگی خود را برای استخراج این معدن نشان داده بودند و از آن جمله پنج شرکت بودند که می توانستند این کار را به پیش ببرند."
معاون وزارت معادن افزود که این شرکتها از کشورهای فرانسه، آمریکا، بریتانیا، پاکستان و چین هستند. او افزود که "بهترین پیشنهادی که به نفع افغانستان بود، همین پیشنهاد چینی ها بود و در چند روز آینده مذاکرات را با چینی ها شروع می کنیم".
آقای جمرانی نام این شرکت چینی را "شرکت ملی نفت چین" اعلام کرد.
افغانستان دارای منابع سرشار زیر زمینی است. وزارت معادن افغانستان ارزش مجموع منابع زیر زمینی این کشور را حدود سه ملیارد دلار تخمین کرده است.
هرچند پیش از این زمینشناسان آمریکایی ارزش کل منابع زیرزمینی افغانستان را یک ملیارد دلار تخمین زده بودند.
مقامات دولت افغانستان می گویند که سه دهه جنگ باعث شده است منابع زیر زمینی این کشور همچنان در زیر خاک مدفون بماند.
BBC FARSI
Afghan women go to school to cut baby deaths
Robert Fox, Defence Correspondent
8 Sep 2011
In one of the poorest parts of Afghanistan, the dramatic and beautiful mountain province of Bamyan, Farzana Jan, a mother of four, has a lot to be proud of.
This rugged corner, where 90 per cent of the people are from the Hazara ethnic minority, had one of the highest rates for infant mortality and mothers dying in childbirth.
Part of the problem is the sheer remoteness of the villages. Some are cut off from outside contact by heavy snowfalls from November to April, and there used to be no expert help for women giving birth at that time.
Then, from 1998 to 2001, the Hazaras of Bamyan suffered three rounds of slaughter by the Taliban - thousands were killed. Many more, such as Farzana, fled to Pakistan. In 2001 the Taliban blew up the great stone Buddhas, Bamyan's cultural symbols.
Returning in 2004, she was attracted to a midwifery course being offered by an aid donor. Eighteen months later, on graduation, she was soon helping to run the next course.
Farzana, 37, tells how Bamyan Midwifery School, of which she is founder and co-ordinator, started; before there was no trained midwife in Bamyan.
The school now has 56 students in training. So far, 86 have graduated to work in four hospitals and district clinics across the province.
The school, funded by the Aga Khan Foundation and US Aid, is light and airy, with neat classrooms and a crèche for mothers. The youngest child today is a girl just three-and-a-half weeks old, sleeping in her cot.
Students are selected carefully, Farzana explained. "Of course, they do an entrance test; they must be 18, and have at least 10th grade in school. We make sure the family approves, and we ask the shura - or council - of village elders to give their approval, too."
The course tackles pregnancy, including complications and family planning, social awareness, rights, pharmacology and sexually-transmitted disease.
The school is almost a victim of its own success, many students getting jobs in the capital, Kabul, and some going abroad. The course has now been extended to two years and includes English and computer studies.
Newest staff recruit is Deeba Yaqubi, 21 , who spent 15 years in exile in Pakistan after fleeing the first Taliban attack in the valley. She said: "I was only six and can't remember much except the bodies left lying outside our house."
She teaches computer use. "I like it very much, and I know my father, a driver, and my brother, who is an accountant, are very proud of me."
The class studying emergency childbirth admire and support Farzana. But she wants more. "I really need another 60 midwives to be sent to the clinics right across the province - we just don't have enough."
How does she cope with her own family and the clinic? "I can do it because of my husband, who is interested in what we are doing. In fact he is the guard at the gate," she said. And why did she chose midwifery?
My husband encouraged me to do it. Because he loves me."
Source,
London Evening Standard
8 Sep 2011
In one of the poorest parts of Afghanistan, the dramatic and beautiful mountain province of Bamyan, Farzana Jan, a mother of four, has a lot to be proud of.
This rugged corner, where 90 per cent of the people are from the Hazara ethnic minority, had one of the highest rates for infant mortality and mothers dying in childbirth.
Part of the problem is the sheer remoteness of the villages. Some are cut off from outside contact by heavy snowfalls from November to April, and there used to be no expert help for women giving birth at that time.
Then, from 1998 to 2001, the Hazaras of Bamyan suffered three rounds of slaughter by the Taliban - thousands were killed. Many more, such as Farzana, fled to Pakistan. In 2001 the Taliban blew up the great stone Buddhas, Bamyan's cultural symbols.
Returning in 2004, she was attracted to a midwifery course being offered by an aid donor. Eighteen months later, on graduation, she was soon helping to run the next course.
Farzana, 37, tells how Bamyan Midwifery School, of which she is founder and co-ordinator, started; before there was no trained midwife in Bamyan.
The school now has 56 students in training. So far, 86 have graduated to work in four hospitals and district clinics across the province.
The school, funded by the Aga Khan Foundation and US Aid, is light and airy, with neat classrooms and a crèche for mothers. The youngest child today is a girl just three-and-a-half weeks old, sleeping in her cot.
Students are selected carefully, Farzana explained. "Of course, they do an entrance test; they must be 18, and have at least 10th grade in school. We make sure the family approves, and we ask the shura - or council - of village elders to give their approval, too."
The course tackles pregnancy, including complications and family planning, social awareness, rights, pharmacology and sexually-transmitted disease.
The school is almost a victim of its own success, many students getting jobs in the capital, Kabul, and some going abroad. The course has now been extended to two years and includes English and computer studies.
Newest staff recruit is Deeba Yaqubi, 21 , who spent 15 years in exile in Pakistan after fleeing the first Taliban attack in the valley. She said: "I was only six and can't remember much except the bodies left lying outside our house."
She teaches computer use. "I like it very much, and I know my father, a driver, and my brother, who is an accountant, are very proud of me."
The class studying emergency childbirth admire and support Farzana. But she wants more. "I really need another 60 midwives to be sent to the clinics right across the province - we just don't have enough."
How does she cope with her own family and the clinic? "I can do it because of my husband, who is interested in what we are doing. In fact he is the guard at the gate," she said. And why did she chose midwifery?
My husband encouraged me to do it. Because he loves me."
Source,
London Evening Standard
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