QUETTA: Unidentified armed men gunned down one person and injured another in Qandhari bazaar in the provincial capital here on Thursday evening.
Police said that unknown gunmen riding bike opened fire at people standing in Qandhari bazaar in the metropolis. As a result, one person was killed and another wounded, police said adding that the assailants managed to escape from the scene.
The law enforcement personnel rushed to the site and shifted the dead body and the injured to Sandeman Civil Hospital. No cause of the attack could be ascertained. The name of the dead is identified as Sakhi and the injured as Muhammad Hussain.
A group of people and shopkeepers gathered on the Jinnah road and staged demonstration against the incident. The police have launched efforts to trace out the attackers. Further probe was underway. (APP)
THE NEWS
Azaranica is a non-biased news aggregator on Hazaras. The main aim is to promote understanding and respect for cultural identities by highlighting the realities they face on daily basis...Hazaras have been the victim of active persecution and discrimination and one of the reasons among many has been the lack of information, awareness, and disinformation.
Thursday, April 12, 2012
Quetta is the hub of crimes: Official
Quetta is the hub of crimes: Official
By Shehzad Baloch
Published: April 12, 2012
Earlier on March 28, around 180 DSPs were demoted according to the orders of the Supreme Court.
QUETTA:
Half of the crimes reported in Balochistan emanate from Quetta, according to Chief Secretary Babar Yaqoob Fateh Mohammad. He added that if the police managed to control crimes in the provincial capital alone, the law and order situation across the province would significantly improve.
In his first interaction with the media after taking over the post of chief secretary, Babar said Quetta and its surrounding areas were densely populated, resulting in the high rate of crimes in and around the city.
“The improvement of the law and order situation in Quetta will have a significant impact throughout Balochistan. Our government is, therefore, focusing on strengthening the police (in Quetta),” he told journalists at the 72nd Passing-out Parade of the Balochistan Police.
Babar added that there was a dire need of training, modern equipment and resources to strengthen the police force. “The government has decided to earmark a large amount for the Balochistan Police in the next budget,” he added.
In response to a query about highway hold-ups and increasing robberies, the chief secretary said the provincial government was making efforts to reduce crime on the highways. “The police have recovered several people who were kidnapped on the Sibi-Jacobabad highway. It shows that the police are not sitting quietly.”
While Babar appeared confident about the police, he refused to comment over rampant kidnappings in the province. “The Supreme Court has already taken this up, thus I will not comment on kidnappings,” he added.
Published in The Express Tribune, April 12th, 2012.
By Shehzad Baloch
Published: April 12, 2012
Earlier on March 28, around 180 DSPs were demoted according to the orders of the Supreme Court.
QUETTA:
Half of the crimes reported in Balochistan emanate from Quetta, according to Chief Secretary Babar Yaqoob Fateh Mohammad. He added that if the police managed to control crimes in the provincial capital alone, the law and order situation across the province would significantly improve.
In his first interaction with the media after taking over the post of chief secretary, Babar said Quetta and its surrounding areas were densely populated, resulting in the high rate of crimes in and around the city.
“The improvement of the law and order situation in Quetta will have a significant impact throughout Balochistan. Our government is, therefore, focusing on strengthening the police (in Quetta),” he told journalists at the 72nd Passing-out Parade of the Balochistan Police.
Babar added that there was a dire need of training, modern equipment and resources to strengthen the police force. “The government has decided to earmark a large amount for the Balochistan Police in the next budget,” he added.
In response to a query about highway hold-ups and increasing robberies, the chief secretary said the provincial government was making efforts to reduce crime on the highways. “The police have recovered several people who were kidnapped on the Sibi-Jacobabad highway. It shows that the police are not sitting quietly.”
While Babar appeared confident about the police, he refused to comment over rampant kidnappings in the province. “The Supreme Court has already taken this up, thus I will not comment on kidnappings,” he added.
Published in The Express Tribune, April 12th, 2012.
Wednesday, April 11, 2012
معترضان بامیان چراغ نفتی به سفارت آمریکا هدیه دادند
محمود کوچی
بی بی سی
به روز شده: 15:22 گرينويچ - چهارشنبه 11 آوريل 2012 - 23 فروردین 1391
شهروندان بامیان سال گذشته، در اعتراض به نبود برق چراغ نفتی بزرگی را در مرکز شهر نصب کردند و امسال چراغ مشابهی را به سفارت آمریکا هدیه دادند
دهها تن از نمایندگان نهادهای مدنی بامیان که در راه اندازی اعتراضهای مدنی و سمبولیک مشهورند، با گردهمایی در مقابل ساختمان مجلس نمایندگان افغانستان، علیه آنچه تبعیض در مصارف کمک های بین المللی می خوانند، اعتراض کردند.
این اعتراض با سکوت برگزار شد و معترضان در پایان اعتراض خود یک چراغ نفتی بزرگ را به نمایندگان مجلس دادند.
معترضان از نمایندگان مجلس خواستند، این چراغ نفتی را به سفارت آمریکا در کابل، هدیه دهند تا آنها بدانند که ولایت بامیان هنوز برق ندارند و از میلیاردها دلار کمکهای جامعه جهانی در بیش از ده سال گذشته، چیزی نصیب آنها نشده است.
شماری از نمایندگان مجلس سنا و نمایندگان، نیز به رسم حمایت از معترضان به جمع آنها پیوستند.
محمد علم ایزدیار، نایب اول مجلس سنا به معترضان گفت، خواستهای آنان را با مقام های دولت افغانستان و جامعه بین المللی در میان خواهد گذاشت.
معترضان در پایان قطعنامه ای را نیز صادر کردند که در آن به توسعه متوازن در مناطق مختلف، رفع هر نوع تبیض سیاسی و قومی، مشارکت عادلانه در قدرت، تاکید شده است.
بامیان در مرکز افغانستان از آرام ترین مناطق افغانستان در ده سال گذشته بوده، اما توجهی چندانی به بازسازی این ولایت نشده است
معترضان همچنین از دولت افغانستان خواستند، سیاستی را که بعد از ۲۰۱۴ و بعد از خروج نیروهای خارجی از افغانستان در پیش خواهند گرفت، بصورت شفاف برای آحاد مردم افغانستان توضیح دهد.
مدال تقدیر به الاغهای آب رسان
در سالهای گذشته، شهروندان بامیان در اعتراض به عدم توجه دولت به جاده های این ولایت، بخشی از جاده اصلی مرکز ولایت را در یک اعتراض مدنی، کاهگل کردند.
شهروندان بامیان همچنین در اعتراض به عدم توجه دولت به آب آشامدنی این ولایت، به الاغ های خود که از آنها برای تامین آب آشامیدنی استفاده می کنند، مدال دادند.
و همچنین چراغ نفتی بزرگی را در اعتراض به بی توجهی دولت به برق این ولایت، ساختند و آن را در چهار راه مرکزی شهر بامیان نصب کردند.
بعد از آن این چهار راه به "چهار راه هریکین" (چراغ نفتی) مسما شده است.
این اقدامات شهروندان بامیان، این ولایت را در به راه اندازی اعتراض های مدنی، آرام و شایسته پر آوازه ساخته است.
روز ملی اعتراض مدنی
در قطعنامه پایانی معترضان بامیان همچنین آمده است که دولت افغانستان روز ۲۲ حمل/ فروردین را به عنوان روز ملی اعتراضهای مدنی در تقویم کشور ثبت کند. ۲۲ حمل روزی است که بامیانی ها با کاهگل کردن جاده مرکز شهر نخستین اعتراض مدنی و سمبولیک خود را آغاز کردند.
بامیان کوهستانی و برفگیر است، مقام های محلی و موسسه آقا خان سعی کرده با رواج اسکی، صنعت جهانگردی بامیان را احیا کنند
اعتراضها و تظاهرات در افغانستان بارها، خسارات جدی مالی و در مواردی حتی تلفات جانی را نیز در پی داشته است.
کارشناسان معتقدند که اگر روش های مسالمت آمیز شهروندان بامیانی در راه اندازی اعتراض های مدنی، دنبال شود، هم از تلفات و خسارات ناشی از اعتراض های خشن جلو گیری می شود و هم صدای معترضان خوبتر به گوش دولت و جامعه جهانی می رسد.
ولایت پرآوازه اما فراموش شده
ولایت بامیان در مرکز افغانستان از امن ترین مناطق این کشور در یک دهه گذشته بوده اما دولت به بازسازی این ولایت و اعتراض های مدنی پی هم ساکنان توجهی نکرده است.
مجسمه های بزرگ بودا، و طبعیت خوش و آب و هوای بامیان در سالهای قبل از جنگ، این ولایت را به مرکزی برای جذب جهانگردان بدل کرده بود و از این طریق درآمد خوبی را نصیب افغانستان می کرد.
در سالهای جنگ و بویژه بعد از انهدام مجسمه های بزرگ بودا توسط طالبان، حالا صنعت جهانگردی بامیان هم رونق چندانی ندارد.
اگرچه مقام های محلی بامیان و شماری از نهادهای بین المللی از جمله موسسه آقاخان، در چند سال اخیر سعی کرده اند، صنعت جهانگردی بامیان را احیا کنند اما نا امنی راه های منتهی به بامیان توفیق چنین برنامه هایی را به حد اقل رسانده است.
BBC Farsi
بی بی سی
به روز شده: 15:22 گرينويچ - چهارشنبه 11 آوريل 2012 - 23 فروردین 1391
شهروندان بامیان سال گذشته، در اعتراض به نبود برق چراغ نفتی بزرگی را در مرکز شهر نصب کردند و امسال چراغ مشابهی را به سفارت آمریکا هدیه دادند
دهها تن از نمایندگان نهادهای مدنی بامیان که در راه اندازی اعتراضهای مدنی و سمبولیک مشهورند، با گردهمایی در مقابل ساختمان مجلس نمایندگان افغانستان، علیه آنچه تبعیض در مصارف کمک های بین المللی می خوانند، اعتراض کردند.
این اعتراض با سکوت برگزار شد و معترضان در پایان اعتراض خود یک چراغ نفتی بزرگ را به نمایندگان مجلس دادند.
معترضان از نمایندگان مجلس خواستند، این چراغ نفتی را به سفارت آمریکا در کابل، هدیه دهند تا آنها بدانند که ولایت بامیان هنوز برق ندارند و از میلیاردها دلار کمکهای جامعه جهانی در بیش از ده سال گذشته، چیزی نصیب آنها نشده است.
شماری از نمایندگان مجلس سنا و نمایندگان، نیز به رسم حمایت از معترضان به جمع آنها پیوستند.
محمد علم ایزدیار، نایب اول مجلس سنا به معترضان گفت، خواستهای آنان را با مقام های دولت افغانستان و جامعه بین المللی در میان خواهد گذاشت.
معترضان در پایان قطعنامه ای را نیز صادر کردند که در آن به توسعه متوازن در مناطق مختلف، رفع هر نوع تبیض سیاسی و قومی، مشارکت عادلانه در قدرت، تاکید شده است.
بامیان در مرکز افغانستان از آرام ترین مناطق افغانستان در ده سال گذشته بوده، اما توجهی چندانی به بازسازی این ولایت نشده است
معترضان همچنین از دولت افغانستان خواستند، سیاستی را که بعد از ۲۰۱۴ و بعد از خروج نیروهای خارجی از افغانستان در پیش خواهند گرفت، بصورت شفاف برای آحاد مردم افغانستان توضیح دهد.
مدال تقدیر به الاغهای آب رسان
در سالهای گذشته، شهروندان بامیان در اعتراض به عدم توجه دولت به جاده های این ولایت، بخشی از جاده اصلی مرکز ولایت را در یک اعتراض مدنی، کاهگل کردند.
شهروندان بامیان همچنین در اعتراض به عدم توجه دولت به آب آشامدنی این ولایت، به الاغ های خود که از آنها برای تامین آب آشامیدنی استفاده می کنند، مدال دادند.
و همچنین چراغ نفتی بزرگی را در اعتراض به بی توجهی دولت به برق این ولایت، ساختند و آن را در چهار راه مرکزی شهر بامیان نصب کردند.
بعد از آن این چهار راه به "چهار راه هریکین" (چراغ نفتی) مسما شده است.
این اقدامات شهروندان بامیان، این ولایت را در به راه اندازی اعتراض های مدنی، آرام و شایسته پر آوازه ساخته است.
روز ملی اعتراض مدنی
در قطعنامه پایانی معترضان بامیان همچنین آمده است که دولت افغانستان روز ۲۲ حمل/ فروردین را به عنوان روز ملی اعتراضهای مدنی در تقویم کشور ثبت کند. ۲۲ حمل روزی است که بامیانی ها با کاهگل کردن جاده مرکز شهر نخستین اعتراض مدنی و سمبولیک خود را آغاز کردند.
بامیان کوهستانی و برفگیر است، مقام های محلی و موسسه آقا خان سعی کرده با رواج اسکی، صنعت جهانگردی بامیان را احیا کنند
اعتراضها و تظاهرات در افغانستان بارها، خسارات جدی مالی و در مواردی حتی تلفات جانی را نیز در پی داشته است.
کارشناسان معتقدند که اگر روش های مسالمت آمیز شهروندان بامیانی در راه اندازی اعتراض های مدنی، دنبال شود، هم از تلفات و خسارات ناشی از اعتراض های خشن جلو گیری می شود و هم صدای معترضان خوبتر به گوش دولت و جامعه جهانی می رسد.
ولایت پرآوازه اما فراموش شده
ولایت بامیان در مرکز افغانستان از امن ترین مناطق این کشور در یک دهه گذشته بوده اما دولت به بازسازی این ولایت و اعتراض های مدنی پی هم ساکنان توجهی نکرده است.
مجسمه های بزرگ بودا، و طبعیت خوش و آب و هوای بامیان در سالهای قبل از جنگ، این ولایت را به مرکزی برای جذب جهانگردان بدل کرده بود و از این طریق درآمد خوبی را نصیب افغانستان می کرد.
در سالهای جنگ و بویژه بعد از انهدام مجسمه های بزرگ بودا توسط طالبان، حالا صنعت جهانگردی بامیان هم رونق چندانی ندارد.
اگرچه مقام های محلی بامیان و شماری از نهادهای بین المللی از جمله موسسه آقاخان، در چند سال اخیر سعی کرده اند، صنعت جهانگردی بامیان را احیا کنند اما نا امنی راه های منتهی به بامیان توفیق چنین برنامه هایی را به حد اقل رسانده است.
BBC Farsi
120 Afghan Refugees Escorted Off Ship at Java Dock
April 11, 2012
Merak, Banten. Indonesian authorities on Tuesday managed to persuade about 120 Australia-bound immigrants from Afghanistan to disembark from a tanker that rescued them after their boat leaked, officials said.
The Afghans had earlier refused to leave the Singapore-flagged tanker MT Hermia, which had been docked at Merak, on the western tip of Java, since the accident on Sunday.
They relented after officials, including representatives from the International Organization for Migration, promised they would not be sent to an immigration detention center, police said.
Most of the immigrants left the boat voluntarily but some had to be dragged off by authorities after a dramatic scene on deck when two of them began shouting: “We want to die, we want to die,” an AFP correspondent said.
The pair began to bleed after repeatedly beating their heads with metal objects.
“We have evacuated all of the asylum seekers and they are now being taken to the Feri Merak hotel,” near Merak, said immigration agency spokesman Maryoto Sumadi.
The immigrants were driven away on two buses, including the bleeding pair who were not seriously injured.
Earlier on Tuesday, the Afghans had said they would not disembark until Indonesia agreed to provide a vessel to allow them to continue to Australia, officials said.
A few hours before they disembarked, an Afghan speaking on behalf of the group had said they wanted certain reassurances before agreeing to leave.
“We will get off the boat only if they promise that no one will be put into detention centers and no one will go to jail,” said the man, who identified himself only as Atiqullah.
“I have been sent by the others on the boat to convey this message,” he told reporters in English, before returning to the ship.
Maryoto said that those without proper documents would be sent to detention centers.
“We will check which asylum seekers have legal documents identifying them as refugees and which do not,” he said.
In 2009, more than 200 Sri Lankan Tamil asylum seekers refused to get off a boat docked at Merak in a six-month standoff with the authorities, demanding to go to Australia.
They were not granted asylum, while around 80 other Sri Lankans rescued at the same time by an Australian customs vessel were granted a special resettlement deal by the Australian government.
Indonesia is not a signatory to the UN refugee convention and often jails asylum seekers awaiting refugee status. The country has long been a transit point for migrants from the Middle East and South Asia seeking to reach Australia.
DPA & AFP
Jakarta Globe
Merak, Banten. Indonesian authorities on Tuesday managed to persuade about 120 Australia-bound immigrants from Afghanistan to disembark from a tanker that rescued them after their boat leaked, officials said.
The Afghans had earlier refused to leave the Singapore-flagged tanker MT Hermia, which had been docked at Merak, on the western tip of Java, since the accident on Sunday.
They relented after officials, including representatives from the International Organization for Migration, promised they would not be sent to an immigration detention center, police said.
Most of the immigrants left the boat voluntarily but some had to be dragged off by authorities after a dramatic scene on deck when two of them began shouting: “We want to die, we want to die,” an AFP correspondent said.
The pair began to bleed after repeatedly beating their heads with metal objects.
“We have evacuated all of the asylum seekers and they are now being taken to the Feri Merak hotel,” near Merak, said immigration agency spokesman Maryoto Sumadi.
The immigrants were driven away on two buses, including the bleeding pair who were not seriously injured.
Earlier on Tuesday, the Afghans had said they would not disembark until Indonesia agreed to provide a vessel to allow them to continue to Australia, officials said.
A few hours before they disembarked, an Afghan speaking on behalf of the group had said they wanted certain reassurances before agreeing to leave.
“We will get off the boat only if they promise that no one will be put into detention centers and no one will go to jail,” said the man, who identified himself only as Atiqullah.
“I have been sent by the others on the boat to convey this message,” he told reporters in English, before returning to the ship.
Maryoto said that those without proper documents would be sent to detention centers.
“We will check which asylum seekers have legal documents identifying them as refugees and which do not,” he said.
In 2009, more than 200 Sri Lankan Tamil asylum seekers refused to get off a boat docked at Merak in a six-month standoff with the authorities, demanding to go to Australia.
They were not granted asylum, while around 80 other Sri Lankans rescued at the same time by an Australian customs vessel were granted a special resettlement deal by the Australian government.
Indonesia is not a signatory to the UN refugee convention and often jails asylum seekers awaiting refugee status. The country has long been a transit point for migrants from the Middle East and South Asia seeking to reach Australia.
DPA & AFP
Jakarta Globe
EDITORIAL: Rampant killings in Balochistan
Why should the unabated slaughter of innocent members of the Hazara Shia community not be taken as genocide committed by the gunmen of the sectarian group Lashkar-e-Jhangvi (LeJ) with impunity. Since the last one year, reports of killings of a number of Hazaras have been surfacing regularly. Every time they are targeted, the government makes tall claims against the saboteurs and about its (unseen, perhaps yet to be started) efforts to bring them to book. The authorities’ response towards the frequent atrocities is inadequate. Had it considered the matter serious enough to ensure the security of the Hazaras, the situation would not have worsened to the present extent. Again on Monday, the Hazara community was targeted as six of its members busy at work were mercilessly sprayed with bullets by unknown armed assailants on two motorbikes in Quetta.
The lethal sectarian phenomenon against the Hazaras that emerged last year has so far taken a large number of precious lives of innocent and peaceful members of this community of Balochistan. LeJ, a notorious sectarian militant banned outfit, has claimed responsibility for the latest outrage to add to last year’s deadly attack on Hazara pilgrims in Mastung. Unfortunately, sectarianism seems to be rampant in a province already under the constant grip of violence due to an ongoing nationalist movement against the atrocities committed by the Frontier Corps (FC) in Balochistan since many years. On the same day, four other killings were reported; including two bullet-riddled bodies found lying in a dump, taking the tortured-to-death toll to a new level, and the murder of two Punjabi men by unknown armed motorcyclists at a bus stand in the Mand area of Turbat. All these killings indicate a constantly deteriorating law and order situation in the volatile province. Where the finding of tortured bodies seem to have become an almost daily tragedy in Balochistan, the trend of killing people belonging to other provinces commonly known as settlers seems to have been revived after a lull. Punjabis mainly bear the brunt of the nationalists’ angst, who do not realise that killing innocents only undermines their just cause. Killings of innocent Punjabis, perceiving them as their real enemy, is a totally wrong tactic, which is bound to bring failure.
It is time the government wakes up from its deep slumber and arrests the culprits of the Hazara carnage. It has to provide security to them. Otherwise, the fire of sectarianism might spread to other areas and against other groups. *
Daily Times
The lethal sectarian phenomenon against the Hazaras that emerged last year has so far taken a large number of precious lives of innocent and peaceful members of this community of Balochistan. LeJ, a notorious sectarian militant banned outfit, has claimed responsibility for the latest outrage to add to last year’s deadly attack on Hazara pilgrims in Mastung. Unfortunately, sectarianism seems to be rampant in a province already under the constant grip of violence due to an ongoing nationalist movement against the atrocities committed by the Frontier Corps (FC) in Balochistan since many years. On the same day, four other killings were reported; including two bullet-riddled bodies found lying in a dump, taking the tortured-to-death toll to a new level, and the murder of two Punjabi men by unknown armed motorcyclists at a bus stand in the Mand area of Turbat. All these killings indicate a constantly deteriorating law and order situation in the volatile province. Where the finding of tortured bodies seem to have become an almost daily tragedy in Balochistan, the trend of killing people belonging to other provinces commonly known as settlers seems to have been revived after a lull. Punjabis mainly bear the brunt of the nationalists’ angst, who do not realise that killing innocents only undermines their just cause. Killings of innocent Punjabis, perceiving them as their real enemy, is a totally wrong tactic, which is bound to bring failure.
It is time the government wakes up from its deep slumber and arrests the culprits of the Hazara carnage. It has to provide security to them. Otherwise, the fire of sectarianism might spread to other areas and against other groups. *
Daily Times
Sectarian militancy thriving in Balochistan
By Syed Shoaib Hasan | From the Newspaper |
A Pakistani rescue worker is seen through the bullet-riddled window of a passenger train following an attack by unknown gunmen in Mach near Quetta.—AP Photo
KARACHI: It is a chilling scene once one realises what is going on, the real horror coming from the cool and unhurried manner of the killers.
Passengers are forced off a bus by what appear to be militants. As a jihadi anthem blares in the background the militants surround them and force them to sit on the ground. Seconds later they open fire with Kalashnikovs, with the resulting carnage being graphically recorded.
A young boy is then seen clasping his hands and begging for mercy. A militant answers by calmly shooting him dead. Another militant walks around the bodies — slowly and deliberately firing into them, to ensure no one escapes. When it’s all over; the camera lens points to the ground as a militant, seen in the shadow, pumping his fist in delight.
This is a video — now posted on the internet — of the massacre of Hazara Shia pilgrims in Balochistan’s Mastung district last year.
For Pakistan’s government, Balochistan remains the most prominent policy failure. Violence has continued to escalate across the province since the PPP-led coalition took power in 2008.
A battle between nationalist insurgents and the Pakistani state is now a dirty and no-holds-barred war in which hundreds of civilians have been killed.
The latest disturbing trend is the increased targeting of Shias, especially the Hazara community. Over a hundred people belonging to them have been shot dead in the province.
The trend is disturbing as Balochistan has always been among the more tolerant of Pakistan’s provinces and sectarian attacks remained rare until 2001.
All that changed after extremist groups such as Sipah-i-Sahaba Pakistan and Jaish-i-Mohammad were banned by General Pervez Musharraf in 2002. A crackdown by the regime followed, forcing their most dangerous militants and ideologues to move to the tribal region.
Punjabi Taliban
Here they came in contact with Taliban militants; both influenced each other and a new sectarian breed came into being in the form of the Punjabi Taliban, now led by Asmatullah Muavia and loyal to Hakimullah Mehsud.
Initially based in South Waziristan, the Punjabi Taliban were ousted after the military operation in 2009. In reprisal, they carried out high-profile attacks such as the one on GHQ in Rawalpindi. Sources say that that particular incident was the turning point and led to a re-think by the establishment.
Security officials — who wish to remain anonymous — say this was because the GHQ standoff was resolved not just by army commandos but mainly through negotiations by Maulana Mohammad Ahmed Ludhianvi, chief of the SSP, who convinced those inside to surrender.
Army officials dismiss these claims. They say military action broke the siege and that the so-called Punjabi Taliban remains their number one enemy.
It may well be that both stories are true, as one security official points out. Ludhianvi’s intervention — while crucial — was definitely only limited to the GHQ attack. He appears to have little control over the Punjabi Taliban leadership, which continues to wreak all sorts of havoc across Pakistan.
Official protocol
However, it’s also clear that Ahmed Ludhianvi now enjoys official protocol. The SSP and Ahle Sunnat Wal Jamaat, Sipah-i-Sahaba’s current title, are both supposedly proscribed, yet these organisations hold rallies in major cities with ease where arms are openly displayed.
Today it’s clear that the SSP and Lashkar-i-Jhangvi, an even more extreme sectarian outfit, are inter-linked. Maulana Ludhianvi admitted as much to the BBC when he said in an interview that Malik Ishaq, the LJ chief, was released on his guarantees and that the notorious militant now answers to him.
Since Malik Ishaq’s release it’s become easier for the LJ leaders to move around, and they have since started expanding and setting up cells in Balochistan and Gilgit-Baltistan.
These cells are made of locals and have been greatly strengthened, especially in Balochistan — where they operate independently of the LJ central command. There the traditionally secular Baloch — and particularly Brahui — are increasingly turning to the radical Islamist militancy espoused by SSP/LJ.
Security officials — and Shia leaders — say this turn of events is complemented by the growth of sectarian madressahs there. Perhaps the largest Sipah-i-Sahaba seminary outside southern Punjab is in Mastung, in the heart of territory controlled by the Raisani tribe.
Another major reason, according to Shia leaders, is the alleged support by intelligence agencies to groups of pro-government Baloch tribesmen.
Most of these have dual identities — the second being outright sectarian and extremist. It is no surprise, then, that the largest of the groups is considered to be the de facto Lashkar-i-Jhangvi in Balochistan.
All that is perhaps irrelevant for the intelligence agencies, whose main aim is the tried tactic of using religion to suppress nationalism.
Led by a close relative of a senior politician from the province, some of LJ Balochistan’s more high-profile attacks include the killing of Baloch nationalist leader Habib Jalib Baloch and the attacks on the Hazara Shias pilgrims in Mastung.
A senior member of the group accepts it has been involved in attacks to protect the Baloch community – it denies it’s carried out attacks on Shias.
“We are only carrying out defensive actions against people who are supported by foreign intelligence services. The Baloch people are with Pakistan – it’s just that they are scared of the militants.”
He adds that while their group isn’t anti-Shia — the community has elements that act as agents of Iran in Pakistan and they should refrain from this.
Complicity
But Baloch nationalist leaders say a perception is being built up that the Baloch community are targeting the Hazara.
“The Baloch have always been a secular people – it’s the Pashtuns rather than us who have had problems with the Hazaras,” says Nawabzada Jamil Bugti.
“What’s happening is with the complicity of the agencies – everybody knows that the areas where most of the attacks take place – like Mastung – have several FC checkposts nearby.”
“How can the killers escape without their knowledge – or consent?”
While insisting that the Baloch as a whole are not involved in the killings, Nawabzada Bugti acknowledges that some Baloch may be involved.
“The agencies are doing what they did in Bangladesh – where they created groups such as Al Badr and Al Shams.”
“Here it’s the groups like the Baloch Musalla Difa Tanzeem – who regularly target Baloch leaders.”
“If they can kill their own people – what’s to stop them from killings Hazaras on the orders of the agencies?”
Increasingly, it’s LJ Balochistan that has the deadliest militants in the country, men such as Saifullah Kurd and Ramzan Mengal, each responsible for dozens of killings.
Both men added to claims of official complicity when they escaped from maximum-security Anti-Terrorism Force jail in Quetta’s heavily guarded cantonment area. Security officials say they continue to enjoy patronage by some senior Baloch tribal leaders. Hazara leaders in Quetta openly accuse prominent members of provincial Baloch government of allegedly protecting sectarian killers.
But others claim that tribal leaders have no choice; they are increasingly being held hostage to pressure from intelligence agencies and their own increasingly militant Sunni tribesmen. Whatever be the real reason, Balochistan is now being regarded as the biggest, and safest, sanctuary for the country’s fiercest sectarian militants.
The writer is the BBC’s correspondent in Karachi. The views expressed here are his own and not necessarily those of the BBC.
DAWN
A Pakistani rescue worker is seen through the bullet-riddled window of a passenger train following an attack by unknown gunmen in Mach near Quetta.—AP Photo
KARACHI: It is a chilling scene once one realises what is going on, the real horror coming from the cool and unhurried manner of the killers.
Passengers are forced off a bus by what appear to be militants. As a jihadi anthem blares in the background the militants surround them and force them to sit on the ground. Seconds later they open fire with Kalashnikovs, with the resulting carnage being graphically recorded.
A young boy is then seen clasping his hands and begging for mercy. A militant answers by calmly shooting him dead. Another militant walks around the bodies — slowly and deliberately firing into them, to ensure no one escapes. When it’s all over; the camera lens points to the ground as a militant, seen in the shadow, pumping his fist in delight.
This is a video — now posted on the internet — of the massacre of Hazara Shia pilgrims in Balochistan’s Mastung district last year.
For Pakistan’s government, Balochistan remains the most prominent policy failure. Violence has continued to escalate across the province since the PPP-led coalition took power in 2008.
A battle between nationalist insurgents and the Pakistani state is now a dirty and no-holds-barred war in which hundreds of civilians have been killed.
The latest disturbing trend is the increased targeting of Shias, especially the Hazara community. Over a hundred people belonging to them have been shot dead in the province.
The trend is disturbing as Balochistan has always been among the more tolerant of Pakistan’s provinces and sectarian attacks remained rare until 2001.
All that changed after extremist groups such as Sipah-i-Sahaba Pakistan and Jaish-i-Mohammad were banned by General Pervez Musharraf in 2002. A crackdown by the regime followed, forcing their most dangerous militants and ideologues to move to the tribal region.
Punjabi Taliban
Here they came in contact with Taliban militants; both influenced each other and a new sectarian breed came into being in the form of the Punjabi Taliban, now led by Asmatullah Muavia and loyal to Hakimullah Mehsud.
Initially based in South Waziristan, the Punjabi Taliban were ousted after the military operation in 2009. In reprisal, they carried out high-profile attacks such as the one on GHQ in Rawalpindi. Sources say that that particular incident was the turning point and led to a re-think by the establishment.
Security officials — who wish to remain anonymous — say this was because the GHQ standoff was resolved not just by army commandos but mainly through negotiations by Maulana Mohammad Ahmed Ludhianvi, chief of the SSP, who convinced those inside to surrender.
Army officials dismiss these claims. They say military action broke the siege and that the so-called Punjabi Taliban remains their number one enemy.
It may well be that both stories are true, as one security official points out. Ludhianvi’s intervention — while crucial — was definitely only limited to the GHQ attack. He appears to have little control over the Punjabi Taliban leadership, which continues to wreak all sorts of havoc across Pakistan.
Official protocol
However, it’s also clear that Ahmed Ludhianvi now enjoys official protocol. The SSP and Ahle Sunnat Wal Jamaat, Sipah-i-Sahaba’s current title, are both supposedly proscribed, yet these organisations hold rallies in major cities with ease where arms are openly displayed.
Today it’s clear that the SSP and Lashkar-i-Jhangvi, an even more extreme sectarian outfit, are inter-linked. Maulana Ludhianvi admitted as much to the BBC when he said in an interview that Malik Ishaq, the LJ chief, was released on his guarantees and that the notorious militant now answers to him.
Since Malik Ishaq’s release it’s become easier for the LJ leaders to move around, and they have since started expanding and setting up cells in Balochistan and Gilgit-Baltistan.
These cells are made of locals and have been greatly strengthened, especially in Balochistan — where they operate independently of the LJ central command. There the traditionally secular Baloch — and particularly Brahui — are increasingly turning to the radical Islamist militancy espoused by SSP/LJ.
Security officials — and Shia leaders — say this turn of events is complemented by the growth of sectarian madressahs there. Perhaps the largest Sipah-i-Sahaba seminary outside southern Punjab is in Mastung, in the heart of territory controlled by the Raisani tribe.
Another major reason, according to Shia leaders, is the alleged support by intelligence agencies to groups of pro-government Baloch tribesmen.
Most of these have dual identities — the second being outright sectarian and extremist. It is no surprise, then, that the largest of the groups is considered to be the de facto Lashkar-i-Jhangvi in Balochistan.
All that is perhaps irrelevant for the intelligence agencies, whose main aim is the tried tactic of using religion to suppress nationalism.
Led by a close relative of a senior politician from the province, some of LJ Balochistan’s more high-profile attacks include the killing of Baloch nationalist leader Habib Jalib Baloch and the attacks on the Hazara Shias pilgrims in Mastung.
A senior member of the group accepts it has been involved in attacks to protect the Baloch community – it denies it’s carried out attacks on Shias.
“We are only carrying out defensive actions against people who are supported by foreign intelligence services. The Baloch people are with Pakistan – it’s just that they are scared of the militants.”
He adds that while their group isn’t anti-Shia — the community has elements that act as agents of Iran in Pakistan and they should refrain from this.
Complicity
But Baloch nationalist leaders say a perception is being built up that the Baloch community are targeting the Hazara.
“The Baloch have always been a secular people – it’s the Pashtuns rather than us who have had problems with the Hazaras,” says Nawabzada Jamil Bugti.
“What’s happening is with the complicity of the agencies – everybody knows that the areas where most of the attacks take place – like Mastung – have several FC checkposts nearby.”
“How can the killers escape without their knowledge – or consent?”
While insisting that the Baloch as a whole are not involved in the killings, Nawabzada Bugti acknowledges that some Baloch may be involved.
“The agencies are doing what they did in Bangladesh – where they created groups such as Al Badr and Al Shams.”
“Here it’s the groups like the Baloch Musalla Difa Tanzeem – who regularly target Baloch leaders.”
“If they can kill their own people – what’s to stop them from killings Hazaras on the orders of the agencies?”
Increasingly, it’s LJ Balochistan that has the deadliest militants in the country, men such as Saifullah Kurd and Ramzan Mengal, each responsible for dozens of killings.
Both men added to claims of official complicity when they escaped from maximum-security Anti-Terrorism Force jail in Quetta’s heavily guarded cantonment area. Security officials say they continue to enjoy patronage by some senior Baloch tribal leaders. Hazara leaders in Quetta openly accuse prominent members of provincial Baloch government of allegedly protecting sectarian killers.
But others claim that tribal leaders have no choice; they are increasingly being held hostage to pressure from intelligence agencies and their own increasingly militant Sunni tribesmen. Whatever be the real reason, Balochistan is now being regarded as the biggest, and safest, sanctuary for the country’s fiercest sectarian militants.
The writer is the BBC’s correspondent in Karachi. The views expressed here are his own and not necessarily those of the BBC.
DAWN
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