Azaranica is a non-biased news aggregator on Hazaras. The main aim is to promote understanding and respect for cultural identities by highlighting the realities they face on daily basis...Hazaras have been the victim of active persecution and discrimination and one of the reasons among many has been the lack of information, awareness, and disinformation.

Saturday, September 8, 2012

طالبان یک ملکی را در دایکندی زنده آتش زدند


هژدهم سنبله 1391 خورشیدی


باشنده گان ولایت دایکندی می گویند که طالبان مسلح یک فرد ملکی را در ولسوالی کجران آتش زدند.

گل احمد اتمر، یکی از باشنده گان ولسوالی کجران ولایت دایکندی به خبرگزاری بست باستان گفت که گروه طالبان یکی از باشنده گان ولایت دایکندی را پس از بریدن دست ها و پاهایش آتش زدند.

به گفتۀ آقای اتمر، عصر روز پنج شنبه زمانی این فرد ملکی می خواست از مرکز ولایت ارزگان به خانه اش در ولسوالی کجران ولایت دایکندی برود، در مسیر راه کجران سوختاده شده است.

محمد علم باشندۀ دیگر ولسوالی کجران نیز به آتش کشیده شدن برادرش را تأیید نموده، گفت: «برادرم گاه گاهی در مسیر ارزگان و دایکندی موتروانی می کرد، این بار وقتی خانه می آمد توسط طالبان با موترش یک جا آتش زده شده است.»

محمد علم، از دولت خواست که قاتلین برادرش را دستگیر و محاکمه نماید.

او افزود که با افزایش فعالیت گروه طالبان در مناطق همجواری ارزگان و دایکندی، شمار موارد کشته شدن افراد ملکی نیز در این مسیر بیشتر شده است.

قربانعلی ارزگانی والی دایکندی با تأیید زنده سوختاندن یک فرد ملکی، توسط طالبان گفت که این اولین بار است که یک فرد ملکی زنده توسط طالبان آتش زده شده است.

والی دایکندی با اظهار نگرانی از افزایش فعالیت های گروه طالبان در شماری از مناطق این ولایت که در همجواری با سایر ولایات قرار دارد، افزود که شماری مسافرین ولایت دایکندی در تمام راه های ارتباطی این ولایت در مسیر ارزگان، کندهار، هلمند، غزنی و کابل توسط افراد مسلح، گروه طالبان سربریده، اختطاف و زخمی گردیدند.

آقای ارزگانی علاوه کرد که پس از خروج نیروهای خاص امریکایی از ولایت ارزگان راه های مواصلاتی ولسوالی کجران با ارزگان کاملأ به روی مردم ملکی مسدود شده است.

به گفتۀ وی، ناامن بودن راه های ارتباطی ولایت دایکندی با دیگر ولایت های کشور و کابل در مسیر دره میدان و غوربند سبب افزایش نرخ مواد غذایی نیز شده است، چنانچه این مسیر به روی مردم باز نشود و امنیت آن تأمین نگردد ممکن فاجعۀ انسانی رخ دهد. 

ولایت دایکندی یکی از ولایت های نو تأسیس است که در مرکز کشور موقعیت دارد، خراب بودن سرک های این ولایت و عدم امنیت راه های ارتباطی دایکندی با دیگر ولایت های کشور باعث افزایش تلفات انسانی در این ولایت شده است.

تیمور آهنگر – بامیان

Thursday, September 6, 2012

Hazaras in Pakistan Caught Between Persecution and the High Seas


By Zofeen Ebrahim


Funeral in the Hazara graveyard in Quetta for victims of gunmen. Credit: Altaf Safdari/IPS

KARACHI, Pakistan, Sep 6 2012 (IPS) - It will be no less than a miracle if Nadir Ali makes it to Australia, where he planned to seek asylum. But with each passing day, since his boat went missing over two months ago, hopes are dimming.

Ali, a 45-year-old Shia Hazara daily wage earner from Quetta in Pakistan’s Balochistan province, had reached Indonesia and boarded the boat from Jakarta on May 22, along with 24 others, most of them from the same community. But the boat lost contact soon after it hit the high seas, and has been missing for over two months.

“We were told that the sea was rough and the boat was too small,” said Qadir Nayel, Ali’s younger brother speaking to IPS over the phone from Quetta. “But because there is no news of them having drowned, we are hoping against hope.” Nayel said his brother paid over 10,000 dollars for the passage.

But why are Hazaras fleeing the country?

In what looks like a rerun of history, the Hazara Shias, with a population of around 956,000 (nearly 600,000 of whom live in Quetta alone), are being persecuted again in Pakistan because of their ethnicity and their history of conflict with Sunni Muslims.

Most of the world’s 3.4 million Hazara people, easily recognisable by their Mongol-like features, live in Afghanistan. But some 120 years ago, many fled that country, where they were being persecuted by the dominant Sunni Pashtun tribes. In Pakistan they were well received, and some rose to important positions in the government.

Another 350,000 Hazara live in Iran.

Shias of all ethnicities account for about 20 percent of Pakistan’s Sunni-majority population of 180 million.

Hussain (name changed on request) lost five members of his family, including a maternal uncle, a widowed sister-in-law and her three children, when the boat they were travelling in was shipwrecked in high waters in the Indian Ocean in 2009.

“The last time my uncle spoke to me was before boarding the ship from Jakarta,” Hussain said. “He sounded very disturbed with the arrangement. He said if he’d known, he would never have ventured out in the first place. By morning we got the news that their ship had gone under and all of them had perished.”

In recent years, scores of Hazara Shias have fled Balochistan in southwest Pakistan. There are significant communities of Hazara in Europe, Turkey and Australia.

While official statistics are hard to come by and people are afraid to give information, the exodus has been fuelled by the rise in target killings of members of this community.

According to Abdul Khaliq, chairman of the Hazara Democratic Party, over 25,000 Hazaras have left Pakistan in the last decade, the vast majority of them in the last three years. “I’d say over 1,000 people have perished while making the perilous journey,” he told IPS over the phone from Quetta.

He was referring to the most common route followed by the fleeing Hazara, who go to Indonesia legally and then try to sneak into Australia illegally.

Ali Dayan Hasan, Pakistan director of Human Rights Watch, told IPS that the Hazara have been reduced to a “ghetto existence in Quetta.”

“They can only go about their daily business at the risk of their lives. It is hardly surprising that members of the Hazara community are seeking political asylum in large numbers, and it would be a very cruel host state indeed that would deny them the same,” he added.

For his part, Hussain said “Nobody wants to leave their country willingly; who would want to leave family and friends and take on a journey we all know is fraught with danger, but we have been pushed to the wall.”

Since the beginning of the year, 47 Shia Hazaras have been killed in 21 separate incidents of violence, according to the South Asia Terrorist Portal (SATP). In 2011, 203 Shias were killed, including 27 Hazaras.

Lately, they have been identified, forced out of buses and vans, and killed. Ambreen Agha, a researcher with the Institute for Conflict Management in New Delhi, which manages the SATP, terms the killing of Hazaras a “sectarian issue.”

“Their Shia identity has posed a threat to their existence in a society that is marred by religious intolerance, the existence of extremist formations, and subsequent impunity that sectarian ‘murderers’ enjoy within the legal and political framework of Pakistan,” she told IPS by email. “Sectarianism adds to the chaotic spirit of Islamabad.”

This was corroborated by HRW’s Hasan. “Hazaras are being targeted as part of a broader exercise in targeting all Pakistani Shias, but it is equally true that the Hazara suffer from double jeopardy – being ethnically distinct in addition to being Shia.”

HRW’s research indicates that the banned Sunni militant group Lashkar-e-Jhangvi (LeJ) is behind the killings. “It claims responsibility for these attacks,” said Hasan.

In June 2011, LeJ warned the Hazaras: “…now jihad against the Shia Hazara has become our duty. We will rest only after hoisting the flag of true Islam on the land of the pure – Pakistan.”

To Agha it means a “total failure or collusion” of the state machinery with these militant organisations.

Hasan said “The state may or may not be complicit in the LeJ’s murderous actions, but independent observers believe that law enforcement and intelligence agencies are, at the very least, turning a blind eye.”

Agha, who has been researching Hazara issues since 2010, complained that the Pakistani state has never “mounted any effective resistance” or carried out a “sustained effort to dismantle the hard-core sectarian militant outfits” that have linkages with both the religious parties and the Pakistani establishment.

“Unless Islamabad abandons its policy of tolerance towards the sectarian religious parties and their militant counterparts, there is little hope that Hazara Shias will continue to live in peace within the poisoned territorial boundaries of Pakistan,” she maintained.

Meanwhile, thousands of asylum-seekers from Iran, Afghanistan and Pakistan, many of whom belong to the Hazara community, have been trying to reach Christmas Island in the Indian Ocean – Australia’s closest point to Indonesia – in rickety, overcrowded vessels. Since late 2009, more than 600 people have died in the attempt to make it to the island.

In August, the Australian parliament tried to make changes in its immigration policy to deter asylum-seekers by deporting them to offshore detention centres. The move met with strong criticism from rights groups.

“It’s a big ocean; it’s a dangerous ocean,” said Prime Minister Julia Gillard. “We’ve seen too many people lose their lives trying to make the journey to Australia.” She had proposed sending asylum-seekers to Malaysia for processing, but the plan was rejected by Australia’s highest court.

Savages at large


From the Newspaper | I.A Rehman

THE state’s failure to evolve a strategy for protecting communities that are vulnerable because of their beliefs has resulted not only in an escalation of attacks on them but also in the emergence of new and more vicious forms of violence.

The killing of seven Hazara workers in Quetta the other day confirms the increased use of a standardised procedure for butchering members of the targeted community. The vehicle in which the victims were travelling was ordered to halt and the passengers made to dismount. The national identity cards of the Hazaras, which were supposed to offer the key to their right to life and security, again served as black warrants to what can only be described as their summary execution.

Similar cases had been reported earlier from other parts of Balochistan, such as Mastung, and from Gilgit-Baltistan. These incidents can no longer be attributed to localised sectarian tensions or conflicts between individual actors; they reveal an organised campaign to force Balochistan’s Hazara community to vacate their traditional settlements, if not to exterminate them altogether. If allowed to continue unchecked the anti-Hazara wave of violence could develop into some kind of sectarian cleansing.

These happenings will certainly have a highly adverse impact on the sectarian conflict raging in Gilgit-Baltistan at the other end of the country. The issue there in the beginning was the large Shia population’s aspiration to enjoy their due share in the democratised management of public affairs and the other community’s resolve to resist this legitimate demand to the extent of foregoing its own democratic rights.

Left to themselves the two communities might not have failed to work out a framework for peaceful coexistence and mutual accommodation. The chances of that happening began to be undermined by Gen Zia’s narrow-minded sectarian predilection. By blinking at an external lashkar’s bloody assault on the Gilgit Shias he helped the rise of an interventionist force that has apparently decided not to let the people of Gilgit-Baltistan settle their matters amongst themselves.

These outsiders have never relented in their efforts to keep the sectarian strife going. One is amazed to see that all those who always blame foreign hands for any outbreak of lawlessness have not cared to expose the mischief being done by non-local elements in Gilgit-Baltistan.

And in Balochistan too, for credible evidence is available to show that the campaign against the Hazaras is being carried out largely by militant groups based in other provinces. It has often been alleged that these groups finance their operations out of the ransom money collected from victims of abduction and make regular remittances to their head offices, most of them believed to be in Punjab.

That the government’s failure to apprehend and punish the culprits in most cases if not all is a major cause of increase in belief-related violence is widely understood. The need to probe the causes of this failure has not received due attention. The view that Pakistan as a whole has moved into a new cycle of violence against the weaker segments of society receives considerable support from the affair of the Christian girl rotting in prison on the charge of desecration of the Holy Quran. Nothing reveals Pakistani Muslims’ divorce from sanity as thoroughly as the slogan that the glory of Islam depends on the execution of this mentally challenged adolescent from an oppressed community.

Normally one avoids commenting on matters that are in the stage of investigation but those calling for justice to be done have as much right to have their say as those calling for the girl to be punished before her guilt, or even her ability to consciously commit the offence she has been charged with, is established. The case has acquired additional significance as it displays a new pattern of minority-bashing.

We are familiar with the abuse of blasphemy laws for settling scores with business rivals or to facilitate individual efforts at grabbing the property of members of the weaker communities. The sack of Shantinagar and attacks on Christian churches in Khanewal some years ago and the more recent pillage of Christian quarters in Gojra were attributed to vengeful mischief by the losers in the race for economic advancement.

There was no indication that the law was being abused to force a minority community to vacate the land under its possession or that communal interests of the majority were involved.

A design of this nature has been exposed by the case of the young Christian girl. Her persecutors wanted her community to move off the land occupied by it. Whether those behind the outrage wanted the land to build a colony or a plaza or whether the pious ones only wanted to be rid of some contemptible neighbours is yet to be established. The latter cause is surely much more shameful and distressing than the former. In it can be seen the germs of a segregationist trend the consequences of which will be too horrible to be viewed with equanimity.

Several factors could have contributed to Pakistan’s accession to new heights of holy terror. Only the purblind will fail to see a link between the killing of Hazaras in Quetta, the target killings in Karachi, the persecution of the blasphemy accused, the Peshawar explosion that took a dozen lives, and the beheading of 12 soldiers in the tribal belt. Instant justice by self-appointed judges and executioners is apparently an offshoot of extremist theories, such as the rule of takfir, that have been introduced into Pakistani people’s religious thought by the so-called revivalists of foreign origin.

The law-and-order paraphernalia possesses neither the mind nor the means to meet the threat from these elements; their challenge calls for a well-thought-out and consistent intellectual response. An example of this kind of exercise was furnished by an Islamabad-based NGO, the Pakistan Institute for Peace Studies, when it held a series of discussions among religious scholars on the phenomenon of Muslims killing fellow Muslims by branding them as renegades.

The proceedings are available in a publication Mas’ala Takfir-wa-Kharooj; and it is a useful introduction to a subject that is likely to have a considerable bearing on our lives. Much more needs to be done in this vein in addition to the promotion of pluralist values from various perspectives, if Pakistani people are to be saved from becoming a horde of savages.


پاکستان میں فرقہ وارانہ تشدد پر اظہار تشویش



آخری وقت اشاعت: جمعرات 6 ستمبر 2012 ,‭ 09:15 GMT 14:15 PST


تنظیم کے مطابق صرف بلوچستان میں ہزارہ آبادی کے ایک سو افراد کو قتل کیا گیا

انسانی حقوق کے لیے کام کرنے والی بین الاقوامی تنظیم ہیومن رائٹس واچ نے پاکستان میں بڑھتے ہوئے فرقہ وارانہ تشدد پرتشویش کا اظہار کرتے ہوئے کہا ہے کہ رواں سال میں شیعہ فرقے سے تعلق رکھنے والے تین سو بیس افراد کو ہلاک کیا گیا۔

تنظیم کے مطابق صرف بلوچستان میں ہزارہ آبادی کے ایک سو افراد کو قتل کیا گیا۔

تنظیم کے ایشیا کے ڈائریکٹر بریڈ ایڈمس نے نیویارک سے جاری ایک بیان میں کہا ہے کہ پاکستانی حکومت کی جانب سے فرقہ وارانہ تشدد میں ملوث عناصر کو گرفتار کرنے میں ناکامی دراصل اس کا اس مسئلے پر کوئی خاص توجہ نہ دینا ہے۔

بیان کے مطابق گزشتہ سال کے دوران بلوچستان، کراچی، گلگت بلتستان اور ملک کے قبائلی علاقوں میں شیعہ آبادی کو نشانہ بنا کر کئی حملے کیے گئے۔

تنظیم کے مطابق اس سال تشدد کے کم از کم چار ایسے بڑے واقعات ہوئے جن میں شیعہ ہزارہ فرقے سے تعلق رکھنے والے اکتیس افراد کو نشانہ بنایا گیا۔ فرقہ وارانہ تشدد کے یہ واقعات کوئٹہ اور بابو سر میں پیش آئے۔ بابو سر واقعے کی ذمہ داری پاکستانی تحریک طالبان نے قبول کی تھی۔

بیان میں سنی فرقے سے تعلق رکھنے والےعسکریت پسند گروپوں کے کردار پر تشویش کا اظہار کیا گیا ہے۔

ہیومن رائٹس واچ کے مطابق کالعدم تنظیم لشکر جھنگوی ملک میں بغیر کسی روک ٹوک کے آپریٹ کر رہی ہے اور قانون نافذ کرنے والے اداروں نے شیعہ فرقے کے خلاف ہونے والے تشدد کی طرف سے جیسے آنکھیں بند کر رکھیں ہیں۔

تنظیم کا یہ بھی کہنا ہے کہ کچھ سنی انتہا پسند تنظیموں کے پاکستان کی فوج، خفیہ اداروں اور فرنٹئیر کور سے تعلقات کوئی پوشیدہ بات نہیں ہے۔

ہیومن رائٹس واچ کے مطابق اگست میں لشکر جھنگوی کے سربراہ ملک اسحاق کی گرفتاری اس ضمن میں اہم پیش رفت ہے۔

ملک اسحاق کے خلاف فرقہ وارانہ تشدد کے چوالیس مقدمات قا ئم ہیں جن میں ستر افراد کا قتل شامل ہے۔

ڈائریکٹر بریڈ ایڈمس کا کہنا ہے کہ ملک اسحاق کی گرفتاری پاکستان کے قانونی نظام کے لیے ایک اہم امتحان کی حثیت رکھتا ہے۔

انہوں نے کہا ’فرقہ وارانہ تشدد کا خاتمہ ان جرائم کے ذمہ داروں کے قانون کے دائرہ کار میں لاکر سزا دیے بغیر ممکن نہیں ہے۔ ‘

بریڈ ایڈمس کا یہ بھی کہنا ہے کہ حکومت پاکستان شیعہ فرقے کے قتل عام پر خاموش تماشائی کا کردار ادا نہیں کر سکتی۔

تنظیم نے پاکستان کی وفاقی و صوبائی حکومتوں پر شیعہ فرقے کے خلاف حملوں اور دوسرے جرائم میں ملوث افراد کو قانون کے دائرہ کار میں لانے کی ضرورت پر زور دیا۔

تنظیم نے اس بات پر بھی زور دیا کہ حکومت شیعہ آبادی والے علاقوں خاص طور پر کوئٹہ میں ہزارہ آبادی کے علاقوں میں سکیورٹی کو بڑھائے۔ اس کے علاوہ حکومت سنی عسکریت پسند تنظیموں کے فوجی، نیم فوجی اور خفیہ ایجنسیوں کے ساتھ روابط کے الزامات کی بھی تحقیقات کرائے۔

بریڈ ایڈمس کے مطابق پاکستان کے سیاسی رہنما، قانون نافذ کرنے والے ادارے، عدلیہ اور فوج کو اس مسئلے کو اتنا ہی 
سنجیدگی سے لینا ہوگا جیسے وہ ریاست کو لاحق دوسرے سیکیورٹی خطرات کو لیتی ہے۔

HRW Calls For 'Urgent' Action In Pakistan To Protect Shi'a


Rescue teams and ambulances near the site of Hazara Shi'a killings in Quetta, Balochistan, Pakistan in early September.

September 06, 2012
QUETTA, Pakistan -- Human Rights Watch (HRW) has called on Pakistani authorities to "urgently act" to protect minority Shi'ite Muslims from rising sectarian attacks by members of the rival majority Sunnis.

In a new statement, the U.S.-based rights watchdog said at least 320 Shi'a have been killed in targeted attacks this year across Pakistan. It said the minority Hazara community has suffered more than 100 such killings in the southwestern Balochistan Province.

"Deadly attacks on Shi'ite communities across Pakistan are escalating," Brad Adams, Asia director at Human Rights Watch, warned.

He added that the government's persistent failure to apprehend attackers or prosecute the extremist groups organizing the attacks suggests that it is indifferent to this carnage.

"Pakistan's government cannot play the role of unconcerned bystander as the Shi'ites across Pakistan are slaughtered," Adams said.

HRW said some Sunni extremist groups are known to be "allies" of the Pakistani military, its intelligence agencies, and affiliated paramilitaries, such as the Frontier Corps.

In particular, HRW expressed concern over Islamabad's failure to rein in the anti-Shi'ite Sunni extremist group Lashkar-e Jhangvi (LeJ).

The LeJ is regarded as among the most extreme Sunni groups, accused of killing hundreds of Shi'a since its emergence in the early 1990s.

HRW said LeJ has operated with "widespread impunity" despite being officially banned by Pakistani authorities in 2001.

Adams said the arrest last month of LeJ leader Malik Ishaq, who has been accused of killing around 70 people, was "an important test for Pakistan's criminal justice system."

In one of the bloodiest recent attacks targeting Shi'a, on August 16 gunmen dragged 20 Shi'ite travelers off a bus and reportedly killed them at point-blank range in northern Pakistan.

On September 1, four gunmen riding two motorbikes reportedly intercepted a bus near the Hazarganji area of Quetta, the capital of Balochistan, pulled five Shi'ite vegetable sellers off the vehicle and shot them dead.

Sectarian conflict has left thousands of people dead in Pakistan since the late 1980s.


Based on reporting by AFP and RFE/RL