Tuesday, April 30, 2013
Sunday, April 28, 2013
My Dark Times: A Survivor’s Story
Published: April 27, 2013
Last October, Habibullah, a 22-year-old student from Quetta, Pakistan, joined 34 Hazara asylum seekers on a boat bound for Christmas Island, a small Australian territory about 240 miles off the Indonesian coast. Within 24 hours the boat had sunk in a storm. This is his account of his ordeal.
I did not have any intention to go abroad, but it was what I had to do. The circumstances were deteriorating day by day. In recent years, Pakistan has been plagued by sectarian violence and extremism. Especially our community has faced most terrorist attacks because of their distinct looks. Every day we witnessed targeted killing, persecution and sectarian violence that made our community the most vulnerable. Our community was declared a community of infidels by terrorists, making our life miserable. The Lashkar-e-Jhangvi, a brainchild of SSP and the Taliban, made it clear that the only place for the Hazara is the graveyard. Those were the reasons for me to take some concrete steps for my survival.
As a young, energetic and ambitious student, I understood that one day I could lose my life in random killings. Then I opted for the desperate journey that would take me through Malaysia and Indonesia and finally, I hoped, to Australia.
I got a Malaysian visa and left Pakistan in early July 2012. In Malaysia I found a smuggler, who arranged my journey to Indonesia. I stayed two days in Kuala Lumpur and paid him $2,000 just to get me to Jakarta. He promised me that he would take me to Jakarta within one week, but in fact that did not happen.
In the evening of July 26, 2012, after dark, we were taken from a hotel in Kuala Lumpur to the coast from where we set course for Indonesia. We arrived at the departure point on the shore at 10 p.m. We were in the jungle, it was dark and there was a strong wind. The smuggler told us that we would land in Indonesia within four hours. But in fact, it took us ten-and-a-half hours because the man who steered the boat had lost his way. If there had been an emergency, we would not have had any means to ensure our survival. A storm blew up, and there was just the darkness of the night and the horrifying storm. The boat was very small and it was moving very fast. We all got wet. We could have lost our lives within seconds.
I was terribly frightened,... Continue Reading...
Last October, Habibullah, a 22-year-old student from Quetta, Pakistan, joined 34 Hazara asylum seekers on a boat bound for Christmas Island, a small Australian territory about 240 miles off the Indonesian coast. Within 24 hours the boat had sunk in a storm. This is his account of his ordeal.
I did not have any intention to go abroad, but it was what I had to do. The circumstances were deteriorating day by day. In recent years, Pakistan has been plagued by sectarian violence and extremism. Especially our community has faced most terrorist attacks because of their distinct looks. Every day we witnessed targeted killing, persecution and sectarian violence that made our community the most vulnerable. Our community was declared a community of infidels by terrorists, making our life miserable. The Lashkar-e-Jhangvi, a brainchild of SSP and the Taliban, made it clear that the only place for the Hazara is the graveyard. Those were the reasons for me to take some concrete steps for my survival.
As a young, energetic and ambitious student, I understood that one day I could lose my life in random killings. Then I opted for the desperate journey that would take me through Malaysia and Indonesia and finally, I hoped, to Australia.
I got a Malaysian visa and left Pakistan in early July 2012. In Malaysia I found a smuggler, who arranged my journey to Indonesia. I stayed two days in Kuala Lumpur and paid him $2,000 just to get me to Jakarta. He promised me that he would take me to Jakarta within one week, but in fact that did not happen.
In the evening of July 26, 2012, after dark, we were taken from a hotel in Kuala Lumpur to the coast from where we set course for Indonesia. We arrived at the departure point on the shore at 10 p.m. We were in the jungle, it was dark and there was a strong wind. The smuggler told us that we would land in Indonesia within four hours. But in fact, it took us ten-and-a-half hours because the man who steered the boat had lost his way. If there had been an emergency, we would not have had any means to ensure our survival. A storm blew up, and there was just the darkness of the night and the horrifying storm. The boat was very small and it was moving very fast. We all got wet. We could have lost our lives within seconds.
I was terribly frightened,... Continue Reading...
Wednesday, April 24, 2013
The Sectarian Knot
PPP’s failure to check the growing attacks on the Shia community has alienated its supporters within the community.
Earlier this week, Faisal Sakhi Butt, the PPP nominee for one of Islamabad’s two seats, visited the local office of Majlis Wahdat Muslimeen (MWM), the newest kid on the Shia party block.
The MWM, which has been around for a few years, came to prominence earlier this year, when it helped organise countrywide protests in the wake of the devastating bomb attacks in Quetta that took the lives of the Shia Hazaras.
Butt’s agenda for the meeting was no secret. He asked for the support of the MWM for the May elections, requesting that the party withdraw its own candidate for NA-48 and support his candidature.
The request was not unusual as the Shia community is traditionally thought to vote for the PPP. However, Butt was turned down flat.
“We are contesting the elections to give a voice to the people who are upset by the poor performance of the PPP government,” the MWM candidate, Allama Asghar Askari, told Butt.
The incident reflects the general impression that the PPP’s perceived failure to check the growing attacks on the Shia community has alienated its traditional supporters within the community.
This perception is rather strong despite the fact that two of the older Shia parties are still aligned with the PPP — the Islami Tehreek headed by Allama Sajid Naqvi has made an alliance with the PPP while the supporters of Tehreek-e-Nifaz Fiqh Jaferia led by Allama Hamid Moosvi are traditionally known to vote for the PPP.
However, the MWM’s decision to enter the electoral fray and contest the elections across the country has given rise to questions and speculation about the Shia vote causing an upset this time around.
Indeed, the MWM is attracting attention for a number of reasons. The first of course is its impressive debut in the protests after the Hazara attacks. The peaceful protests across the country took everyone by surprise and forced the PPP-led government in Islamabad to impose governor’s rule in Balochistan. What was particularly impressive was the party’s ability to organise protests in Karachi where the Muttahida Qaumi Movement is seen to have the street muscle.
Second is the number of candidates the party has fielded: 127. These include 80 contestants for National Assembly seats and 47 candidates for all four provincial assemblies. At the same time, its candidates are not from the ‘usual stock’; not all of them are ulema or even Shia. While the MWM has fielded a woman on a provincial seat in Karachi, at some places it has even nominated Sunni candidates.
But despite the party’s high profile and the mood of the Shia community, will it manage to win seats?
It is difficult to say anything for sure at the moment not just because the MWM is new but also because in the past the Shia community has never voted as a bloc. “The people of Pakistan do not vote for sect-based parties; this has been repeatedly reflected in various election results,” said Haris Khalique, a newspaper columnist and poet based in Islamabad. However he hastened to add that “the MWM case is different because it is benefiting from a reaction to the existing sense of persecution among Shia population in country.”
At some level, the party is aware of this paradox which helps explain its three-pronged electoral strategy. At the top are the “core seats”, which are constituencies with considerable Shia votes. In this category the party has fielded its own candidates.”
We have strong candidates for constituencies with major Shia population,” said Nasir Sheerazi, secretary of the political wing, MWM.
In the second category it has placed those constituencies where there is a Shia vote large enough to play a role; here the party is trying to form local level alliances or seat adjustment arrangements with other players. “Negotiations are under way where there is a sizeable Shia population,” he added.
Third are the constituencies where the party wants to play the role of a spoiler or send a message to particular parties. This third category includes seats such as the one in Jhang which is to be contested by Sheikh Waqas’ father, Sheikh Muhammad Akram; the MWM will support him against Maulana Muhammad Ludhianvi, the chief of the Ahle Sunnat Wal Jamaat.
Similarly, the party plans to support Riaz Peerzada, the PML-N candidate from Bahawalpur. “Our main objective is to block extremists in politics, get rid of criminal elements and pave the way for tolerant people to be active in the electoral process,” Mr Sheerazi said without naming any party.
Despite its public intentions to support PML-N candidates such as Peerzada, the MWM has not held any formal talks with the top PML-N leadership.
In other areas in Punjab, the MWM is also hopeful of making its mark in areas such as Bhakkar.
Local journalists feel that in the current situation the MWM might just make a difference — it is difficult to predict the impact though.
“The reaction to the lack of performance by the mainstream parties will reflect in the election results,” said Muhammad Pervaiz Durrani, a journalist who runs a local FM radio in Layyah.
He was of the opinion that the degree of awareness among the voters and the improved communication tools would help the smaller parties that do not have a local party set-up in every nook and corner of the constituency.
“There is a large Shia population in Bhakkar — many of them have arrived from Dera Ismail Khan and other parts of KPK due to terror threats there. A reactionary vote from them could favour the MWM,” Mr Durrani added. The MWM leadership is banking on this reaction as well.
It is noteworthy that in Punjab the MWM can tap into the Shia vote because the sectarian lines overlap with other faultlines — for instance in Jhang, the Sunni vote tends to be that of the Punjabi migrants who came over at the time of partition while the Shia voters are the indigenous population. The overlapping, say observer, can make it easier for the MWM.
However, in Karachi this is exactly what can work against the MWM as the Shia voters in the city tend to vote on ethnic lines. Despite this, the MWM is surprisingly hopeful about its electoral fortunes in this city.
The party has pinned its hopes on four national assembly and seven provincial assembly seats in the city — the constituencies are the ones that include Soldier Bazaar, Rizvia Society, Ancholi and Malir area. They are NA-252, NA-253, NA-257 and NA-258 and PS-94, PS-102, PS-117, PS-118, PS-119 PS-126 and PS-127.
However the MQM is not impressed. “All the parties have right to contest elections, but the MQM and Shia voters are educated and mature people. They are opposed to sectarianism,” said Wasay Jalil, the MQM spokesman .
The strength of the MQM lies in creating harmony not only among various sects of Islam but also among different religions.” Independent observers agree with the assessment that convincing the Shia voters to ditch the MQM and support the MWM will not be easy.
In Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, the MWM has its eyes on Dera Ismail Khan. It has fielded a candidate for a provincial assembly seat here though the candidate is contesting independently — this is because he is a consensus candidate who also enjoys the support of Allama Sajid Naqvi and a few Barelvi groups.
Overall however it is difficult to predict how well the MWM will do electorally. Its ability to win over voters as well as to counter the appeal of the Shia candidates of other parties will prove to be no small hurdle.
This is something most voters also realise. “We vote for someone who is known to us as an individual or as a member of clan,” said Syed Sarfraz Hussain Ghardezi, a local leader of Islamabad, who added “Politics is not akin to standing behind a prayer leader during namaz.”
Earlier this week, Faisal Sakhi Butt, the PPP nominee for one of Islamabad’s two seats, visited the local office of Majlis Wahdat Muslimeen (MWM), the newest kid on the Shia party block.
The MWM, which has been around for a few years, came to prominence earlier this year, when it helped organise countrywide protests in the wake of the devastating bomb attacks in Quetta that took the lives of the Shia Hazaras.
Butt’s agenda for the meeting was no secret. He asked for the support of the MWM for the May elections, requesting that the party withdraw its own candidate for NA-48 and support his candidature.
The request was not unusual as the Shia community is traditionally thought to vote for the PPP. However, Butt was turned down flat.
“We are contesting the elections to give a voice to the people who are upset by the poor performance of the PPP government,” the MWM candidate, Allama Asghar Askari, told Butt.
The incident reflects the general impression that the PPP’s perceived failure to check the growing attacks on the Shia community has alienated its traditional supporters within the community.
This perception is rather strong despite the fact that two of the older Shia parties are still aligned with the PPP — the Islami Tehreek headed by Allama Sajid Naqvi has made an alliance with the PPP while the supporters of Tehreek-e-Nifaz Fiqh Jaferia led by Allama Hamid Moosvi are traditionally known to vote for the PPP.
However, the MWM’s decision to enter the electoral fray and contest the elections across the country has given rise to questions and speculation about the Shia vote causing an upset this time around.
Indeed, the MWM is attracting attention for a number of reasons. The first of course is its impressive debut in the protests after the Hazara attacks. The peaceful protests across the country took everyone by surprise and forced the PPP-led government in Islamabad to impose governor’s rule in Balochistan. What was particularly impressive was the party’s ability to organise protests in Karachi where the Muttahida Qaumi Movement is seen to have the street muscle.
Second is the number of candidates the party has fielded: 127. These include 80 contestants for National Assembly seats and 47 candidates for all four provincial assemblies. At the same time, its candidates are not from the ‘usual stock’; not all of them are ulema or even Shia. While the MWM has fielded a woman on a provincial seat in Karachi, at some places it has even nominated Sunni candidates.
But despite the party’s high profile and the mood of the Shia community, will it manage to win seats?
It is difficult to say anything for sure at the moment not just because the MWM is new but also because in the past the Shia community has never voted as a bloc. “The people of Pakistan do not vote for sect-based parties; this has been repeatedly reflected in various election results,” said Haris Khalique, a newspaper columnist and poet based in Islamabad. However he hastened to add that “the MWM case is different because it is benefiting from a reaction to the existing sense of persecution among Shia population in country.”
At some level, the party is aware of this paradox which helps explain its three-pronged electoral strategy. At the top are the “core seats”, which are constituencies with considerable Shia votes. In this category the party has fielded its own candidates.”
We have strong candidates for constituencies with major Shia population,” said Nasir Sheerazi, secretary of the political wing, MWM.
In the second category it has placed those constituencies where there is a Shia vote large enough to play a role; here the party is trying to form local level alliances or seat adjustment arrangements with other players. “Negotiations are under way where there is a sizeable Shia population,” he added.
Third are the constituencies where the party wants to play the role of a spoiler or send a message to particular parties. This third category includes seats such as the one in Jhang which is to be contested by Sheikh Waqas’ father, Sheikh Muhammad Akram; the MWM will support him against Maulana Muhammad Ludhianvi, the chief of the Ahle Sunnat Wal Jamaat.
Similarly, the party plans to support Riaz Peerzada, the PML-N candidate from Bahawalpur. “Our main objective is to block extremists in politics, get rid of criminal elements and pave the way for tolerant people to be active in the electoral process,” Mr Sheerazi said without naming any party.
Despite its public intentions to support PML-N candidates such as Peerzada, the MWM has not held any formal talks with the top PML-N leadership.
In other areas in Punjab, the MWM is also hopeful of making its mark in areas such as Bhakkar.
Local journalists feel that in the current situation the MWM might just make a difference — it is difficult to predict the impact though.
“The reaction to the lack of performance by the mainstream parties will reflect in the election results,” said Muhammad Pervaiz Durrani, a journalist who runs a local FM radio in Layyah.
He was of the opinion that the degree of awareness among the voters and the improved communication tools would help the smaller parties that do not have a local party set-up in every nook and corner of the constituency.
“There is a large Shia population in Bhakkar — many of them have arrived from Dera Ismail Khan and other parts of KPK due to terror threats there. A reactionary vote from them could favour the MWM,” Mr Durrani added. The MWM leadership is banking on this reaction as well.
It is noteworthy that in Punjab the MWM can tap into the Shia vote because the sectarian lines overlap with other faultlines — for instance in Jhang, the Sunni vote tends to be that of the Punjabi migrants who came over at the time of partition while the Shia voters are the indigenous population. The overlapping, say observer, can make it easier for the MWM.
However, in Karachi this is exactly what can work against the MWM as the Shia voters in the city tend to vote on ethnic lines. Despite this, the MWM is surprisingly hopeful about its electoral fortunes in this city.
The party has pinned its hopes on four national assembly and seven provincial assembly seats in the city — the constituencies are the ones that include Soldier Bazaar, Rizvia Society, Ancholi and Malir area. They are NA-252, NA-253, NA-257 and NA-258 and PS-94, PS-102, PS-117, PS-118, PS-119 PS-126 and PS-127.
However the MQM is not impressed. “All the parties have right to contest elections, but the MQM and Shia voters are educated and mature people. They are opposed to sectarianism,” said Wasay Jalil, the MQM spokesman .
The strength of the MQM lies in creating harmony not only among various sects of Islam but also among different religions.” Independent observers agree with the assessment that convincing the Shia voters to ditch the MQM and support the MWM will not be easy.
In Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, the MWM has its eyes on Dera Ismail Khan. It has fielded a candidate for a provincial assembly seat here though the candidate is contesting independently — this is because he is a consensus candidate who also enjoys the support of Allama Sajid Naqvi and a few Barelvi groups.
Overall however it is difficult to predict how well the MWM will do electorally. Its ability to win over voters as well as to counter the appeal of the Shia candidates of other parties will prove to be no small hurdle.
This is something most voters also realise. “We vote for someone who is known to us as an individual or as a member of clan,” said Syed Sarfraz Hussain Ghardezi, a local leader of Islamabad, who added “Politics is not akin to standing behind a prayer leader during namaz.”
کوئٹہ دھماکے: لشکرِ جھنگوی نے ذمہ داری قبول کر لی
Wednesday 24 April 2013
کوئٹہ میں خود کش دھماکے کے بعد سیکیورٹی اہلکار دھماکے کی جگہ پر تفتیش کررہے ہیں۔ رائٹرز تصویر
کوئٹہ: پاکستان کے جنوب مغربی صوبہ بلوچستان میں منگل کی شام چار بم دھماکوں کے نتیجے میں ہلاکتوں کی تعداد اب چھ ہوگئی ہے، جبکہ 45 افراد زخمی ہیں جن میں سے دس افراد کی حالت تشویشناک بتائی جارہی ہے۔
ہلاک ہونے والوں میں فرنٹیئر کور کا ایک ہلکار بھی شامل ہے۔
دھماکے میں زخمی ہونے والوں کو فوری طور پر کوئٹہ کے سی ایم ایچ ہسپتال منتقل کردیا گیا۔
بم ڈسپوزل اسکواڈ کے مطابق دھماکہ میں اسّی سے سو کلو گرام دھماکہ خیز مواد استعمال کیا گیا تھا۔
دوسری جانب کالعدم تنظیم لشکرِ جھنگوی کے ترجمان ابوبکر صدیق نے ذرائع بلاغ کے نمائندوں کو فون کر کے ان دھماکوں کی ذمہ داری قبول ہے۔
پہلے دھماکہ ٹھیک اسی جگہ پر ہوا، جہاں سے ہزارہ ڈیموکریٹک پارٹی کے سربراہ عبدالخالق ہزارہ اپنے انتخابی جلسے سے خطاب کرنے کے بعد گزر رہے تھے۔
فرنٹیئر کور کے ایک اہلکار نے ڈان کو بتایا پہلا دھماکہ نیچیری کے علاقے میں ہوا اور جب فرئنٹیر کور کے اہلکار نے بارود سے بھری گاڑی کی تلاشی لینی شروع ہی کی تھی تو اس میں سوار ایک خود کش حملہ آوور نے گاڑی کو دھماکے سے اُڑا دیا۔
انہوں بتایا کہ زور دار دھماکے سے سیکیورٹی اہلکار موقع پر ہی ہلاک ہوگیا۔
پولیس کے مطابق گاڑی میں سوار خود کش حملہ آوور ہزارہ برادری کے رہنما کو نشانہ بنانے کے لیے علمدار روڈ کی جانب جارہا تھا لیکن جب سیکیورٹی اہلکار نے گاڑی کی تلاشی کے لیے اسے روکا تو اس نے گاڑی کو دھماکے سے اُڑا لیا۔
کوئٹہ پولیس کے سربراہ زبیر محمود نے بتایا کہ اس دھماکے کی آواز پورے شہر میں سنی گئی.
انہوں نے کہا کہ زخمی ہونے والوں میں بچے بھی شامل ہیں۔
یاد رہے کہ کوئٹہ میں واقع علمدار روڈ پر شیعہ ہزارہ برادری سے تعلق رکھنے والوں کی ایک بڑی تعداد مقیم ہے، جہاں پر رواں سال جنوری کی دس تاریخ کو ایک سنوکر کلب کے باہر ہونے والے بم دھماکوں میں کم سے کم سو افراد ہلاک ہوگئے تھے۔
کوئٹہ پولیس چیف کا مزید کہنا تھا کہ دھماکوں کی تفتیش جاری ہے تاکہ یہ معلوم کیا جاسکے کہ آیا سخت سیکیورٹی میں بارود سے بھری کار حساس علاقے میں کیسے داخل ہوئی۔
پولیس نے بتایا کہ کچھ ہفتوں پہلے بھی اسی علاقے میں پاکستان مسلم لیگ نون انتخابی امیدوار شیر گل کے دفتر پر حملہ کیا گیا تھا جس سے آس پاس کے مکانات اور دُکانوں کو بھی نقصان پہنچا تھا۔
اس سے پہلے منگل کو کوئٹہ کے علاقوں جناح ٹاؤن اور گوال منڈی میں تین چھوٹے دھماکے بھی ہوئے جن سے پانچ افراد زخمی ہوگئے۔
◄کوئٹہ دھماکوں کی مذمت
کوئٹہ پر گزشتہ روز ہونے والے دہشت گردی کے واقعات پر بلوچستان کی نگران حکومت کی جانب سے شدید الفاظ میں مذمت کی گئی۔ نگران ویزاعلیٰ بلوچستان نواب غوث بخش بروزئی نے سی ایم ایچ ہسپتال پہنچ کر زخمیوں کی عیادت بھی کی۔
Tuesday, April 23, 2013
Pre-poll violence: Nine killed in Quetta, Karachi blasts
By Rabia Ali / Faraz Khan / Ali Ousat / Mohammad Zafar
Published: April 24, 2013
Security officials stand guard near the site of Karachi bomb attack. PHOTO: ONLINE
QUETTA / KARACHI.:
A string of bomb blasts, including a suicide attack, killed at least nine people and injured dozens more in the provincial capitals of Sindh and Balochistan on Tuesday, heightening fears of increased attacks ahead of next month’s general elections.
In Karachi, a crude bomb targeting a roadside camp office of the Muttahida Qaumi Movement (MQM) killed at least three people and injured 30 others on Tuesday night. The attack, which happened in the Buffer Zone area, prompted the closure of all roadside camp offices of the party.
An Improvised Explosive Device (IED) was planted in flower pots under a huge banner of MQM chief Altaf Hussain erected on the median before the People’s Chowrangi near the city’s popular Café Pyala, officials said.
DSP Usman Agha of the Special Investigation Unit told The Express Tribune that unidentified men had ripped the panaflex banner. “Around 8:00 pm, MQM workers came to the site to take down the banner and replace it with a new one. There was a lot of commotion over who tore the banner, and residents of the area also gathered near the median to see what was going on. That is when the bomb went off,” he said.
Hassan Jafrey, a resident of the area who was injured in the blast, said there were almost 200 people around the median when the explosion occurred.
DSP Usman Agha said the perpetrators must have waited for a crowd to gather before triggering the bomb.
According to the Bomb Disposal Squad, the bomb weighed 1.5kg and was remotely triggered. The explosion left a crater that was three-feet wide and a foot deep.
The MQM decided to temporarily close down all its election campaign offices in Karachi following the blast. The party’s chief Altaf Hussain hit out at the government and said that no steps were being taken to improve the law and order situation in the city. He said it was the responsibility of the interim administration and the election commission to provide a safe environment.
Altaf claimed that about 25 MQM activists, including an election candidate, have been killed over the past few days.
Former MPA and a contestant of the MQM from the constituency, Sheikh Salahuddin, blamed the Taliban and political parties which, “the Taliban chose to be guarantors in the peace talks.” All political activities of the party will remain suspended today, and party workers would wear black bands.
Meanwhile, the private schools associations of Karachi unanimously announced late Tuesday night that it would keep all schools shut on Wednesday (today), owing to the uncertain security situation in the city.
The decision was announced in the wake of MQM’s appeal to observe a day of mourning across the province.
Meanwhile, the Board of Secondary Education Karachi has also postponed all Secondary School Certificate exams scheduled for the day, according to its examinations controller, Noman Ahsan.
Earlier in Quetta, a suicide bomber drove his explosive-laden car into a paramilitary checkpoint right near Alamdar Road – a predominantly Shia neighbourhood of Quetta.
“The bomber wanted to target the Hazara community on Alamdar Road,” Capital City Police Officer (CCPO) Mir Zubair Mahmood told journalists. “However, he detonated the vehicle when the Frontier Corps troops stopped it at the checkpoint,” he added. “Two houses and eight shops located near the checkpoint were destroyed.”
Khaliq Hazara, the chairman of the Hazara Democratic Party, the main Hazara political organisation, said the blast occurred shortly after he had finished addressing a small outdoor election meeting in a Hazara enclave in the east of the city.
“I was doing my campaigning in my own community,” Hazara told Reuters. “The government should give us security.”
Hazara, who is running for a National Assembly seat at the May 11 elections, said he suspected the bomber intended to kill him and his advisers. “We were the target,” he said.
Medics at the Combined Military Hospital and Civil Hospital confirmed that six people, among them two FC personnel, were killed and 47 others wounded – five of them critically. Bomb Disposal Squad officials said the vehicle was rigged with 90 to 100kg of explosives.
An eyewitness said the bomber had attempted to drive the vehicle into Alamdar Road from the Pir Mohamamd Road area. “The bomber detonated the explosives when FC personnel signaled him to stop at the checkpoint,” Mohamamd Idress told The Express Tribune.
Abu Bakr Siddique, a spokesperson for the banned sectarian extremist group Lashkar-e-Jhangvi, claimed credit for the blast in a phone call to media offices in Quetta. The group had also claimed responsibility for two massive bomb attacks on the Shia Hazara community in January and February that had claimed more than 180 lives.
The suicide attack took place hardly an hour after three synchronised explosions rocked the city, causing fear and panic among residents. First, a homemade bomb went off in the Killi Shabo of Jinnah Town, causing no casualties. It was followed by a grenade attack in the Gawalmandi Chowk neighbourhood in which at least five people were wounded. Minutes later a roadside bomb exploded on Gurdat Singh Road, injuring two people.
The injured from both blasts were shifted to the Civil Hospital. Police and paramilitary FC reached the spots and began a manhunt for the perpetrators.
Separately, unknown men hurled a hand grenade into the house of the National Party candidate for PB-43, Haji Muhammad Islam, in Quetta. However, no casualties were reported.
Governor Nawab Zulfiqar Ali Magsi and caretaker Chief Minister Nawab Ghous Bakhsh Barozai condemned the Quetta blasts and offered condolences to the families of the victims. Barozai directed the administration to put in place stringent security measures for the May 12 elections.
The chief minister said that ‘anti-social elements’ wanted to sabotage the electoral process through such acts of terrorism. However, he added that his administration would frustrate such nefarious designs.
Published in The Express Tribune, April 24th, 2013.
Published: April 24, 2013
Security officials stand guard near the site of Karachi bomb attack. PHOTO: ONLINE
QUETTA / KARACHI.:
A string of bomb blasts, including a suicide attack, killed at least nine people and injured dozens more in the provincial capitals of Sindh and Balochistan on Tuesday, heightening fears of increased attacks ahead of next month’s general elections.
In Karachi, a crude bomb targeting a roadside camp office of the Muttahida Qaumi Movement (MQM) killed at least three people and injured 30 others on Tuesday night. The attack, which happened in the Buffer Zone area, prompted the closure of all roadside camp offices of the party.
An Improvised Explosive Device (IED) was planted in flower pots under a huge banner of MQM chief Altaf Hussain erected on the median before the People’s Chowrangi near the city’s popular Café Pyala, officials said.
DSP Usman Agha of the Special Investigation Unit told The Express Tribune that unidentified men had ripped the panaflex banner. “Around 8:00 pm, MQM workers came to the site to take down the banner and replace it with a new one. There was a lot of commotion over who tore the banner, and residents of the area also gathered near the median to see what was going on. That is when the bomb went off,” he said.
Hassan Jafrey, a resident of the area who was injured in the blast, said there were almost 200 people around the median when the explosion occurred.
DSP Usman Agha said the perpetrators must have waited for a crowd to gather before triggering the bomb.
According to the Bomb Disposal Squad, the bomb weighed 1.5kg and was remotely triggered. The explosion left a crater that was three-feet wide and a foot deep.
The MQM decided to temporarily close down all its election campaign offices in Karachi following the blast. The party’s chief Altaf Hussain hit out at the government and said that no steps were being taken to improve the law and order situation in the city. He said it was the responsibility of the interim administration and the election commission to provide a safe environment.
Altaf claimed that about 25 MQM activists, including an election candidate, have been killed over the past few days.
Former MPA and a contestant of the MQM from the constituency, Sheikh Salahuddin, blamed the Taliban and political parties which, “the Taliban chose to be guarantors in the peace talks.” All political activities of the party will remain suspended today, and party workers would wear black bands.
Meanwhile, the private schools associations of Karachi unanimously announced late Tuesday night that it would keep all schools shut on Wednesday (today), owing to the uncertain security situation in the city.
The decision was announced in the wake of MQM’s appeal to observe a day of mourning across the province.
Meanwhile, the Board of Secondary Education Karachi has also postponed all Secondary School Certificate exams scheduled for the day, according to its examinations controller, Noman Ahsan.
Earlier in Quetta, a suicide bomber drove his explosive-laden car into a paramilitary checkpoint right near Alamdar Road – a predominantly Shia neighbourhood of Quetta.
“The bomber wanted to target the Hazara community on Alamdar Road,” Capital City Police Officer (CCPO) Mir Zubair Mahmood told journalists. “However, he detonated the vehicle when the Frontier Corps troops stopped it at the checkpoint,” he added. “Two houses and eight shops located near the checkpoint were destroyed.”
Khaliq Hazara, the chairman of the Hazara Democratic Party, the main Hazara political organisation, said the blast occurred shortly after he had finished addressing a small outdoor election meeting in a Hazara enclave in the east of the city.
“I was doing my campaigning in my own community,” Hazara told Reuters. “The government should give us security.”
Hazara, who is running for a National Assembly seat at the May 11 elections, said he suspected the bomber intended to kill him and his advisers. “We were the target,” he said.
Medics at the Combined Military Hospital and Civil Hospital confirmed that six people, among them two FC personnel, were killed and 47 others wounded – five of them critically. Bomb Disposal Squad officials said the vehicle was rigged with 90 to 100kg of explosives.
An eyewitness said the bomber had attempted to drive the vehicle into Alamdar Road from the Pir Mohamamd Road area. “The bomber detonated the explosives when FC personnel signaled him to stop at the checkpoint,” Mohamamd Idress told The Express Tribune.
Abu Bakr Siddique, a spokesperson for the banned sectarian extremist group Lashkar-e-Jhangvi, claimed credit for the blast in a phone call to media offices in Quetta. The group had also claimed responsibility for two massive bomb attacks on the Shia Hazara community in January and February that had claimed more than 180 lives.
The suicide attack took place hardly an hour after three synchronised explosions rocked the city, causing fear and panic among residents. First, a homemade bomb went off in the Killi Shabo of Jinnah Town, causing no casualties. It was followed by a grenade attack in the Gawalmandi Chowk neighbourhood in which at least five people were wounded. Minutes later a roadside bomb exploded on Gurdat Singh Road, injuring two people.
The injured from both blasts were shifted to the Civil Hospital. Police and paramilitary FC reached the spots and began a manhunt for the perpetrators.
Separately, unknown men hurled a hand grenade into the house of the National Party candidate for PB-43, Haji Muhammad Islam, in Quetta. However, no casualties were reported.
Governor Nawab Zulfiqar Ali Magsi and caretaker Chief Minister Nawab Ghous Bakhsh Barozai condemned the Quetta blasts and offered condolences to the families of the victims. Barozai directed the administration to put in place stringent security measures for the May 12 elections.
The chief minister said that ‘anti-social elements’ wanted to sabotage the electoral process through such acts of terrorism. However, he added that his administration would frustrate such nefarious designs.
Published in The Express Tribune, April 24th, 2013.
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