by Nancy Hatch Dupree and Chris Sands
Nearly a decade after Afghanistan and the world recoiled in shock at the Taliban regime’s destruction of two giant Buddhist statues, the country is again on the brink of a cultural disaster. Now, however, it is not Islamic militants who pose the threat, nor is it a government pushed into a corner after years of isolation by the West. Today the danger comes from a source few could have seen coming back then: unchecked capitalism.
Often encouraged by the United States, domestic and international companies are beginning to carve up Afghanistan in search of the vast mineral resources that lie beneath its surface. Already, there are signs that this unprecedented pursuit of wealth could do more damage to the cultural history of the country than war ever has. It must be regulated before it is too late.
Nowhere is the sheer scale of the potential catastrophe more apparent than in Logar, a province bordering Kabul. There, at Mes Aynak, lies an ancient Buddhist monastery that predates the arrival of Islam in Afghanistan. The site possibly surpasses in splendour the famous relics destroyed by the Taliban in March, 2001, making it an almost perfect snapshot of an ancient society and era we still know far too little about. It is an almost perfect snapshot of an ancient society and era we still know far too little about. There are hallways, coins, ornately decorated rooms, domed shrines and dozens of statues of Buddha; but the preservation of many of the artifacts is in jeopardy.
In 2007, the state-owned Chinese company China Metallurgical Group Corporation won a $3.5 billion contract to develop a massive unexploited copper reserve in the same area. Archeologists now have only three years to finish the excavation work, putting the site at severe risk.
When the Taliban regime blew up the two Buddhas in the central province of Bamiyan, a global outcry resulted. The UN condemned the destruction and international Islamic scholars were vocal in their criticism. Today, a decade and another war later, the world is silent.
The threat to the monastery comes just months after the US announced with fanfare that it had discovered approximately $1 trillion worth of untapped mineral deposits in Afghanistan. “There is stunning potential here”, Gen David Petraeus, the commander of Nato forces in the country, told The New York Times. Competition for a number of contracts has already been strong, with the latest awarded to an Afghan company to spend up to $50 million on a gold mine in the northern province of Baghlan. With support from private British, American, Turkish and Indonesian investors, production is due to start by 2013. Meanwhile, bidding for a 1.8 billion ton iron ore deposit in Hajigak, Bamiyan, has attracted interest from firms in India, Australia, Iran and Canada, amongst others.
It is beyond doubt that reconstruction and economic development are needed in what is one of the poorest countries on earth. The prospect of thousands more jobs becoming available in the years ahead should be welcomed, so should the long-term self-sustainability and pride a thriving mining industry could help engender. However, a nation’s integrity can only be assured when its members hold fast to cherished values. The pursuit of wealth without dignity, respect for the past and the environment will ultimately set Afghanistan back, not help it progress.
A creeping money culture has taken root here and all the signs are that it is getting worse. More and more people are thinking in terms of earning a quick profit, with no thought of what it will do to their heritage or how it will impact on future generations. The US and its allies have, intentionally or not, helped set this worrying trend.
High value mining contracts should, and must, include clauses stipulating the preservation of historic sites found during development. Without such basic conditions they will leave an indelible scar on Afghan history.
For over thirty years Afghanistan’s culture has just about managed to survive in the face of horrific chaos and bloodshed, even though its museums and archeological sites have been looted and plundered, its paintings desecrated and its statues destroyed. Now comes the biggest threat of all.
Source: http://mondediplo.com/blogs/a-new-bamiyan
Sunday, February 13, 2011
Tuesday, February 8, 2011
The men hidden from view
By,
Caroline Fleay and Nina Boydell
08 February 2011
Thousands of kilometres from where most Australians live is an expanding collection of small demountable huts surrounded by two huge wire fences.
It is not easy to visit this place of detention – for most people it involves an expensive flight to Broome in WA’s northwest region, and a further two hour drive to a turn-off on the Broome-Derby road. The final five kilometres is down a long stretch of road punctuated by signs warning the visitor that there is “No Through Road” and to “Turn Back”.
Finally a perimeter check point is reached. Personal identification is checked here, and if it matches the written forms the visitor had sent to the place of detention prior to the visit, the visitor is allowed to proceed. Upon arriving at the enormous wire gates of the main entrance, another checkpoint is entered and the visitor’s personal identification and belongings are surrendered.
So who are the 1,200 men that are kept inside such an isolated and secure compound? Upon our arrival at the detention centre, it felt like we were entering a prisoner of war camp. But the men in this place are not prisoners of war captured by Australian troops. They are mostly Hazara men from Afghanistan – a country where Australian troops are embroiled in a conflict that seeks to oust the Taliban and other such violent groups, the very groups that many Hazara are fleeing.
The men that Australia detains in this isolated camp are the allies of our Australian troops but they are those our troops are not able to protect in their own land. Many Hazara men are forced to leave Afghanistan or face the terror of the ever-present violence that threatens their lives and those of their families. This is who we are keeping hidden at the Curtin Immigration Detention Centre, the same isolated centre that the Howard government finally agreed to close in 2002.
Our visit to the detention centre last week was profoundly moving. A small group of us were welcomed by hundreds of men incredibly grateful for a rare visit and eager to meet and talk to Australians who were not in uniforms. We listened to their stories and answered their questions about Australia and heard of the anguish of those who had been on hunger strike the week before out of desperation that they had heard nothing for months about the outcome of their refugee claims.
Some of the men walked with us down the long path to the front wire gates as we left on the last day of our visit. They stood and waved to us until they could no longer see us. These are hidden men who feel forgotten.
Although the men may be getting their basic needs met, such as adequate food and shelter, their anguish makes it obvious that no amount of care provided within a place of detention will ease the agony of their wait. “We have everything we need but not our freedom.” Many are incredibly resilient, trying to keep their minds busy to avoid the despair. Others have lost hope and have tried to kill themselves.
There are young men in the Curtin detention centre who hardly look 18 and who have been forced to flee their families completely alone to try to find a safer life. There are also many family men of all ages who desperately worry for the fate of their wives and children as they wait many months for the decision about their refugee application. Can you imagine how desperate you must be to find a safer life for your family, to make the decision to leave them behind? So that you alone would endure the terror of the journey of reaching Australia, with the hope that once you arrive you would be welcomed and your family allowed to join you?
Whatever you think of the means that these men took to leave Afghanistan and finally arrive in Australia, they are now here. They are not enemies of Australia. Based on Department of Immigration statistics from 2009-2010, 99.7% of Afghans arriving in Australia seeking asylum were found to be refugees. It is very likely that most if not all of the men in the Curtin detention centre have also fled similar persecution. We should not be detaining them for months and soon-to-be years behind large fences. They should be living in our communities while they wait for the interminable time it takes for their refugee applications to be assessed.
Despite reports from the Australian government that suggest it is now safe for some Hazaras to return to Afghanistan, many other reports and those with family and friends in Afghanistan will tell you this is not true.
William Maley, one of Australia’s foremost experts on Afghanistan, is highly sceptical of the Australian government’s recent agreement with the Afghanistan government that could allow for the forcible repatriation of some Hazaras. He argues that the security situation in Afghanistan is “by most accounts deteriorating” and warns that if policymakers push through with this agreement “they will likely end up with blood on their hands”.
The men in the Curtin Immigration Detention Centre should not be punished for trying to find safety for themselves and their families. And they are not the only ones. There are currently 6,730 men, women and children in immigration detention centres throughout Australia, including on the overcrowded Christmas Island. Many are very likely to be seeking asylum from persecution in their own countries.
Keeping people hidden behind large fences for months on end cannot be understood as anything but punishment. The Australian government must stop it.
Caroline Fleay is a lecturer at the Centre for Human Rights Education at Curtin University. She is the author of Australia and Human Rights: Situating the Howard Government (2010).
Nina Boydell works in community development and human rights education.
Source,
http://www.abc.net.au/unleashed/43698.html
Caroline Fleay and Nina Boydell
08 February 2011
Thousands of kilometres from where most Australians live is an expanding collection of small demountable huts surrounded by two huge wire fences.
It is not easy to visit this place of detention – for most people it involves an expensive flight to Broome in WA’s northwest region, and a further two hour drive to a turn-off on the Broome-Derby road. The final five kilometres is down a long stretch of road punctuated by signs warning the visitor that there is “No Through Road” and to “Turn Back”.
Finally a perimeter check point is reached. Personal identification is checked here, and if it matches the written forms the visitor had sent to the place of detention prior to the visit, the visitor is allowed to proceed. Upon arriving at the enormous wire gates of the main entrance, another checkpoint is entered and the visitor’s personal identification and belongings are surrendered.
So who are the 1,200 men that are kept inside such an isolated and secure compound? Upon our arrival at the detention centre, it felt like we were entering a prisoner of war camp. But the men in this place are not prisoners of war captured by Australian troops. They are mostly Hazara men from Afghanistan – a country where Australian troops are embroiled in a conflict that seeks to oust the Taliban and other such violent groups, the very groups that many Hazara are fleeing.
The men that Australia detains in this isolated camp are the allies of our Australian troops but they are those our troops are not able to protect in their own land. Many Hazara men are forced to leave Afghanistan or face the terror of the ever-present violence that threatens their lives and those of their families. This is who we are keeping hidden at the Curtin Immigration Detention Centre, the same isolated centre that the Howard government finally agreed to close in 2002.
Our visit to the detention centre last week was profoundly moving. A small group of us were welcomed by hundreds of men incredibly grateful for a rare visit and eager to meet and talk to Australians who were not in uniforms. We listened to their stories and answered their questions about Australia and heard of the anguish of those who had been on hunger strike the week before out of desperation that they had heard nothing for months about the outcome of their refugee claims.
Some of the men walked with us down the long path to the front wire gates as we left on the last day of our visit. They stood and waved to us until they could no longer see us. These are hidden men who feel forgotten.
Although the men may be getting their basic needs met, such as adequate food and shelter, their anguish makes it obvious that no amount of care provided within a place of detention will ease the agony of their wait. “We have everything we need but not our freedom.” Many are incredibly resilient, trying to keep their minds busy to avoid the despair. Others have lost hope and have tried to kill themselves.
There are young men in the Curtin detention centre who hardly look 18 and who have been forced to flee their families completely alone to try to find a safer life. There are also many family men of all ages who desperately worry for the fate of their wives and children as they wait many months for the decision about their refugee application. Can you imagine how desperate you must be to find a safer life for your family, to make the decision to leave them behind? So that you alone would endure the terror of the journey of reaching Australia, with the hope that once you arrive you would be welcomed and your family allowed to join you?
Whatever you think of the means that these men took to leave Afghanistan and finally arrive in Australia, they are now here. They are not enemies of Australia. Based on Department of Immigration statistics from 2009-2010, 99.7% of Afghans arriving in Australia seeking asylum were found to be refugees. It is very likely that most if not all of the men in the Curtin detention centre have also fled similar persecution. We should not be detaining them for months and soon-to-be years behind large fences. They should be living in our communities while they wait for the interminable time it takes for their refugee applications to be assessed.
Despite reports from the Australian government that suggest it is now safe for some Hazaras to return to Afghanistan, many other reports and those with family and friends in Afghanistan will tell you this is not true.
William Maley, one of Australia’s foremost experts on Afghanistan, is highly sceptical of the Australian government’s recent agreement with the Afghanistan government that could allow for the forcible repatriation of some Hazaras. He argues that the security situation in Afghanistan is “by most accounts deteriorating” and warns that if policymakers push through with this agreement “they will likely end up with blood on their hands”.
The men in the Curtin Immigration Detention Centre should not be punished for trying to find safety for themselves and their families. And they are not the only ones. There are currently 6,730 men, women and children in immigration detention centres throughout Australia, including on the overcrowded Christmas Island. Many are very likely to be seeking asylum from persecution in their own countries.
Keeping people hidden behind large fences for months on end cannot be understood as anything but punishment. The Australian government must stop it.
Caroline Fleay is a lecturer at the Centre for Human Rights Education at Curtin University. She is the author of Australia and Human Rights: Situating the Howard Government (2010).
Nina Boydell works in community development and human rights education.
Source,
http://www.abc.net.au/unleashed/43698.html
Saturday, January 29, 2011
People-smugglers target Australian Hazaras
January 29, 2011 - 12:34AM
AAP
Sophisticated people-smuggling syndicates charging thousands of dollars to ferry asylum seekers from Afghanistan to Australia are preying on Hazara communities in Melbourne, Sydney and Adelaide.
The syndicates charge clients $12,000 for the trip and are believed to have generated tens of millions of dollars in the past two years, The Age newspaper reported on Saturday.
A well-placed source in the Afghan community told the newspaper this week:
Advertisement: Story continues below "The syndicates are an open secret within the Hazara community.
"Everybody knows who runs them, who to approach and who makes the money.
"It is astonishing they can operate so openly."
The largest Australian-based smuggling operation is believed to operate out of nondescript shop fronts in Dandenong, in Melbourne's south-east, home to thousands of Afghan refugees, including many of Hazara ethnicity.
The top smugglers have Australian citizenship and travel unimpeded between Australia and Afghanistan, it is claimed.
The smugglers boast they can reunite family and friends with relatives living in Australia within months, if not weeks.
© 2011 AAP
Source: http://news.smh.com.au/breaking-news-national/peoplesmugglers-target-australian-hazaras-20110129-1a8lz.html
AAP
Sophisticated people-smuggling syndicates charging thousands of dollars to ferry asylum seekers from Afghanistan to Australia are preying on Hazara communities in Melbourne, Sydney and Adelaide.
The syndicates charge clients $12,000 for the trip and are believed to have generated tens of millions of dollars in the past two years, The Age newspaper reported on Saturday.
A well-placed source in the Afghan community told the newspaper this week:
Advertisement: Story continues below "The syndicates are an open secret within the Hazara community.
"Everybody knows who runs them, who to approach and who makes the money.
"It is astonishing they can operate so openly."
The largest Australian-based smuggling operation is believed to operate out of nondescript shop fronts in Dandenong, in Melbourne's south-east, home to thousands of Afghan refugees, including many of Hazara ethnicity.
The top smugglers have Australian citizenship and travel unimpeded between Australia and Afghanistan, it is claimed.
The smugglers boast they can reunite family and friends with relatives living in Australia within months, if not weeks.
© 2011 AAP
Source: http://news.smh.com.au/breaking-news-national/peoplesmugglers-target-australian-hazaras-20110129-1a8lz.html
Car bomb injures 10 in SW Pakistan: police
(AFP) – Jan, 29, 2011
QUETTA, Pakistan — Ten people including four policemen were injured Saturday when a car bomb targeting a senior police official exploded in the southwestern city of Quetta, police said.
The bomb, planted in a Suzuki car, exploded as a police vehicle carrying Shaban Ali passed through the heart of Quetta, the capital of oil and gas rich Baluchistan province, senior police official Hamid Shakeel told AFP.
"At least 10 people including four policemen and and six passers-by were wounded in the attack targeting Shaban Ali, who remained unhurt." Shakeel said.
He added that nobody has so far claimed responsibility for the attack.
Local security officials, who declined to be identified, also confirmed the incident.
Baluchistan, which borders Afghanistan and Iran, has seen an upswing in violence recently, with the province suffering from a separatist insurgency, sectarian violence and Taliban militants.
Hundreds of people have died since rebels rose up in 2004 demanding political autonomy and a greater share of profits from the region's natural oil, gas and mineral resources.
Source,http://www.google.com/hostednews/afp/article/ALeqM5jlFJKpDVcXm6TmCmMvKapsyL3j0Q?docId=CNG.d0438e089708981536317df1dc6b362e.121
QUETTA, Pakistan — Ten people including four policemen were injured Saturday when a car bomb targeting a senior police official exploded in the southwestern city of Quetta, police said.
The bomb, planted in a Suzuki car, exploded as a police vehicle carrying Shaban Ali passed through the heart of Quetta, the capital of oil and gas rich Baluchistan province, senior police official Hamid Shakeel told AFP.
"At least 10 people including four policemen and and six passers-by were wounded in the attack targeting Shaban Ali, who remained unhurt." Shakeel said.
He added that nobody has so far claimed responsibility for the attack.
Local security officials, who declined to be identified, also confirmed the incident.
Baluchistan, which borders Afghanistan and Iran, has seen an upswing in violence recently, with the province suffering from a separatist insurgency, sectarian violence and Taliban militants.
Hundreds of people have died since rebels rose up in 2004 demanding political autonomy and a greater share of profits from the region's natural oil, gas and mineral resources.
Source,http://www.google.com/hostednews/afp/article/ALeqM5jlFJKpDVcXm6TmCmMvKapsyL3j0Q?docId=CNG.d0438e089708981536317df1dc6b362e.121
Friday, January 28, 2011
Afghanistan shortlists 15 Indian firms for Hajigak bid
Priyadarshi Siddhanta
Posted: Thu Jan 27 2011, 01:15 hrs
New Delhi:
Enthused by the response of Indian metal and mining giants for developing the Hajigak iron ore mine in Afghanistan, the Hamid Karzai government has shortlisted 15 of them for competitive bidding process for the mine to begin soon.
A total of 22 companies had confirmed their Expression of Interests (EoI) to the Afghan government for exploring the Hajigak mine, located in the Bamiyan province of the country.
High grade iron ore reserves of the mine is estimated to be about 1.8 billion tonnes.
An estimated expenditure of about Rs 10,000 crore is required to develop the mine and its peripheral infrastructure for evacuation of the mineral.
In a letter on January 17, Afghan mines minister Wahidullah Shahrani said of the 22 firms shortlisted for the coming bidding process, 15 are Indian companies.
They include big-ticket names like maharatna Steel Authority of India Limited (SAIL), navratna behemoths NMDC and Rashtriya Ispat Nigam limited, besides private sector giants like Tata, Essar, Jindal Steel and Power, Ispat, Monnet Ispat, JSW, Jindal Saw among others.
Interestingly, Iranian firms like Gol-e-Gohar Iron Ore and Behin Sanate Diba have also tendered their EoI.
In his letter, Shahrani said his ministry was in the process of finalising the bidder’s package for all the phases of the process. “It is anticipated that the bidder’s due diligence period will start around March 1, 2011 and extend at least through August 3, 2011. We appreciate your interest in the Hajigak project and look forward to receiving a competitive bid from you,” the Afghan mines minister said.
Soviet era studies reveal that the said mine was amendable to open pit mining methods. In the EoI floated recently, the Afghanistan government said it would conduct a bidding process for multiple exploration concessions, and the selected bidder would be granted mineral concessions under the Afghan Mineral Law 2010.
The Afghan government is also keen that the Indian companies set up steel and other iron ore processing plants near Hajigak. The country is believed to be sitting on over $2.5 trillion worth of untapped mineral deposits. It has huge copper mines in Balkhab and Aynak areas.
Shahrani had met Indian mines ministry officials in November last and expressed his country’s desire to enter into a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) between both the nations to promote mining and end use industries back in Afghanistan.
The ministry of external affairs too has been asking the mines ministry to evaluate the response from the Indian companies.
Source,
http://www.indianexpress.com/news/afghanistan-shortlists-15-indian-firms-for-hajigak-bid/742499/2
Posted: Thu Jan 27 2011, 01:15 hrs
New Delhi:
Enthused by the response of Indian metal and mining giants for developing the Hajigak iron ore mine in Afghanistan, the Hamid Karzai government has shortlisted 15 of them for competitive bidding process for the mine to begin soon.
A total of 22 companies had confirmed their Expression of Interests (EoI) to the Afghan government for exploring the Hajigak mine, located in the Bamiyan province of the country.
High grade iron ore reserves of the mine is estimated to be about 1.8 billion tonnes.
An estimated expenditure of about Rs 10,000 crore is required to develop the mine and its peripheral infrastructure for evacuation of the mineral.
In a letter on January 17, Afghan mines minister Wahidullah Shahrani said of the 22 firms shortlisted for the coming bidding process, 15 are Indian companies.
They include big-ticket names like maharatna Steel Authority of India Limited (SAIL), navratna behemoths NMDC and Rashtriya Ispat Nigam limited, besides private sector giants like Tata, Essar, Jindal Steel and Power, Ispat, Monnet Ispat, JSW, Jindal Saw among others.
Interestingly, Iranian firms like Gol-e-Gohar Iron Ore and Behin Sanate Diba have also tendered their EoI.
In his letter, Shahrani said his ministry was in the process of finalising the bidder’s package for all the phases of the process. “It is anticipated that the bidder’s due diligence period will start around March 1, 2011 and extend at least through August 3, 2011. We appreciate your interest in the Hajigak project and look forward to receiving a competitive bid from you,” the Afghan mines minister said.
Soviet era studies reveal that the said mine was amendable to open pit mining methods. In the EoI floated recently, the Afghanistan government said it would conduct a bidding process for multiple exploration concessions, and the selected bidder would be granted mineral concessions under the Afghan Mineral Law 2010.
The Afghan government is also keen that the Indian companies set up steel and other iron ore processing plants near Hajigak. The country is believed to be sitting on over $2.5 trillion worth of untapped mineral deposits. It has huge copper mines in Balkhab and Aynak areas.
Shahrani had met Indian mines ministry officials in November last and expressed his country’s desire to enter into a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) between both the nations to promote mining and end use industries back in Afghanistan.
The ministry of external affairs too has been asking the mines ministry to evaluate the response from the Indian companies.
Source,
http://www.indianexpress.com/news/afghanistan-shortlists-15-indian-firms-for-hajigak-bid/742499/2
After standoff, Karzai opens newly assertive Afghan parliament
By Ben Arnoldy | Published Thu, Jan 27 2011 8:20 am
NEW DELHI — President Hamid Karzai inaugurated Afghanistan’s newly elected parliament on Wednesday, a concession by him that adds weight to the increasingly assertive legislative branch.
Mr. Karzai had tried to delay the convening of the new parliament until a special court finished investigating allegations of election fraud. The victorious candidates – as of today, sitting parliamentarians – had argued the court was unconstitutional and that they would convene with or without the president’s blessing. Key international players appeared to back the new parliament, prompting Karzai to complain about “foreign hands” stoking the crisis.
Since Karzai’s fraud-marred reelection, lawmakers have successfully challenged more of his major decisions, holding out the prospect of diverse power centers competing inside the constitutional process, rather than just on the battlefield. Yet the parliament remains weak, and this particular standoff with Karzai may not be over.
“There are so many issues not resolved: What will be the role of the special court, whether [its] decisions will be binding or not, and how to implement the decisions,” says Shahmahmood Miakhel, country director for the United States Institute of Peace in Kabul. “So we can not say this is the end of the story.”
Special deals with the special court?
Statements from Karzai indicate that he thinks a deal was struck with parliamentarians to allow the special court to continue its investigation and to abide by its findings, expected in February. But legislative leaders appear to be saying something different.
“There is no special agreement between MPs and President Karzai on the special court,” says Fawzia Kofi, a reelected MP from Badakhshan. “The agreement was that cases of criminal issues related to elections should be dealt according to the law – the Constitution, and electoral law, and the regular courts – not the special court.”
However, MPs have a certain amount of immunity under the law. Ms. Kofi says the immunity does not extend to “obvious crimes” like murder and bribes, but simply protects free speech. Mr. Miakhel, however, notes that the courts have to seek permission from the leadership of parliament before pursuing criminal cases against MPs.
Kofi says she expects that the new parliament will vote quickly to abolish the special court. The court was appointed by the Supreme Court, a body widely seen as beholden to Karzai. Parliamentarians have also noted that the group tasked under law to address election violations – the Electoral Complaints Commission (ECC) – has already passed judgment on the 2,648 top priority complaints.
But roughly 200 losing candidates have kept up steady protests of the official election results certified by the Independent Election Commission (IEC) and have pinned their hopes on the special court.
Stronger opposition presence in parliament
Research on the winning candidates conducted by the Kabul Center for Strategic Studies found that “as a result of strict control, monitoring, and observation of IEC and ECC, the government was not able to bring many pro-government candidates.” Instead, opposition groups now have a stronger presence in this parliament than in the previous one.
But the center’s director, Waliullah Rahmani, cautions that “it doesn’t mean that we will have a stronger opposition group inside the parliament. [The] study shows that these groups and figures are fragmented.”
The study found that 51 percent of the new parliamentarians are “independent,” a group that Karzai’s government might find easier to sway. The lack of strong political parties has left a high number of independents and little cohesion among lawmakers, rendering the parliament generally weak.
The largest ethnic group, Pashtuns, won 96 out of the 249 seats – a proportion slightly lower than some demographic estimates would predict if voting followed purely ethnic lines. The Hazara minority group punched far above its weight, winning 61 seats.
This was dramatically demonstrated in Ghazni Province, which is split demographically between Pashtuns and minority groups, but which sent all Hazaras and no Pashtuns to parliament this time. The most visible leader of the 200 losing candidates, Daoud Sultanzai, hails from Ghazni.
Parliament’s ethnic proportions have made some Afghans like Karzai nervous about further alienation of Pashtuns, the core group from which the insurgency draws its ranks. But others like Mr. Rahmani point out that those who peacefully participate in the democratic process should reap some benefits.
“This is what we can call a reward for democracy. I believe Pashtuns will understand that when there is high turnout, then they can get the reward, like what the Hazaras did in Afghanistan,” says Rahmani, who is a Hazara and whose brother won a seat in parliament from Ghazni Province.
Source,
http://www.minnpost.com/worldcsm/2011/01/27/25258/after_standoff_karzai_opens_newly_assertive_afghan_parliament
NEW DELHI — President Hamid Karzai inaugurated Afghanistan’s newly elected parliament on Wednesday, a concession by him that adds weight to the increasingly assertive legislative branch.
Mr. Karzai had tried to delay the convening of the new parliament until a special court finished investigating allegations of election fraud. The victorious candidates – as of today, sitting parliamentarians – had argued the court was unconstitutional and that they would convene with or without the president’s blessing. Key international players appeared to back the new parliament, prompting Karzai to complain about “foreign hands” stoking the crisis.
Since Karzai’s fraud-marred reelection, lawmakers have successfully challenged more of his major decisions, holding out the prospect of diverse power centers competing inside the constitutional process, rather than just on the battlefield. Yet the parliament remains weak, and this particular standoff with Karzai may not be over.
“There are so many issues not resolved: What will be the role of the special court, whether [its] decisions will be binding or not, and how to implement the decisions,” says Shahmahmood Miakhel, country director for the United States Institute of Peace in Kabul. “So we can not say this is the end of the story.”
Special deals with the special court?
Statements from Karzai indicate that he thinks a deal was struck with parliamentarians to allow the special court to continue its investigation and to abide by its findings, expected in February. But legislative leaders appear to be saying something different.
“There is no special agreement between MPs and President Karzai on the special court,” says Fawzia Kofi, a reelected MP from Badakhshan. “The agreement was that cases of criminal issues related to elections should be dealt according to the law – the Constitution, and electoral law, and the regular courts – not the special court.”
However, MPs have a certain amount of immunity under the law. Ms. Kofi says the immunity does not extend to “obvious crimes” like murder and bribes, but simply protects free speech. Mr. Miakhel, however, notes that the courts have to seek permission from the leadership of parliament before pursuing criminal cases against MPs.
Kofi says she expects that the new parliament will vote quickly to abolish the special court. The court was appointed by the Supreme Court, a body widely seen as beholden to Karzai. Parliamentarians have also noted that the group tasked under law to address election violations – the Electoral Complaints Commission (ECC) – has already passed judgment on the 2,648 top priority complaints.
But roughly 200 losing candidates have kept up steady protests of the official election results certified by the Independent Election Commission (IEC) and have pinned their hopes on the special court.
Stronger opposition presence in parliament
Research on the winning candidates conducted by the Kabul Center for Strategic Studies found that “as a result of strict control, monitoring, and observation of IEC and ECC, the government was not able to bring many pro-government candidates.” Instead, opposition groups now have a stronger presence in this parliament than in the previous one.
But the center’s director, Waliullah Rahmani, cautions that “it doesn’t mean that we will have a stronger opposition group inside the parliament. [The] study shows that these groups and figures are fragmented.”
The study found that 51 percent of the new parliamentarians are “independent,” a group that Karzai’s government might find easier to sway. The lack of strong political parties has left a high number of independents and little cohesion among lawmakers, rendering the parliament generally weak.
The largest ethnic group, Pashtuns, won 96 out of the 249 seats – a proportion slightly lower than some demographic estimates would predict if voting followed purely ethnic lines. The Hazara minority group punched far above its weight, winning 61 seats.
This was dramatically demonstrated in Ghazni Province, which is split demographically between Pashtuns and minority groups, but which sent all Hazaras and no Pashtuns to parliament this time. The most visible leader of the 200 losing candidates, Daoud Sultanzai, hails from Ghazni.
Parliament’s ethnic proportions have made some Afghans like Karzai nervous about further alienation of Pashtuns, the core group from which the insurgency draws its ranks. But others like Mr. Rahmani point out that those who peacefully participate in the democratic process should reap some benefits.
“This is what we can call a reward for democracy. I believe Pashtuns will understand that when there is high turnout, then they can get the reward, like what the Hazaras did in Afghanistan,” says Rahmani, who is a Hazara and whose brother won a seat in parliament from Ghazni Province.
Source,
http://www.minnpost.com/worldcsm/2011/01/27/25258/after_standoff_karzai_opens_newly_assertive_afghan_parliament
Thursday, January 20, 2011
15 Indian companies bid for Afghan iron deposits news
20 January 2011
With the negotiations for the TAPI (Turkmenistan-Afghanistan-Pakistan-India) oil pipeline reaching a successful outcome and the security situation within the country taking a turn for the better over the last quarter of 2010, Afghanistan is now moving ahead on a path of national development. On Wednesday it invited 22 companies, including 15 from India, to bid for the development of its giant Hajigak iron ore deposits.
The country's ministry for mines has set 3 August 2011 as the deadline for bids for what it says is the largest un-mined iron deposit in Asia. It said it expected exploration to begin in 2012.
The Hajigak deposit straddles Bamiyan, Parwan and Wardak provinces.
The ministry estimates the worth of its reserves at as much as $350 billion.
Source,
http://www.domain-b.com/industry/Mining/20110120_afghan_iron_deposits.html
With the negotiations for the TAPI (Turkmenistan-Afghanistan-Pakistan-India) oil pipeline reaching a successful outcome and the security situation within the country taking a turn for the better over the last quarter of 2010, Afghanistan is now moving ahead on a path of national development. On Wednesday it invited 22 companies, including 15 from India, to bid for the development of its giant Hajigak iron ore deposits.
The country's ministry for mines has set 3 August 2011 as the deadline for bids for what it says is the largest un-mined iron deposit in Asia. It said it expected exploration to begin in 2012.
The Hajigak deposit straddles Bamiyan, Parwan and Wardak provinces.
The ministry estimates the worth of its reserves at as much as $350 billion.
Source,
http://www.domain-b.com/industry/Mining/20110120_afghan_iron_deposits.html
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