By Agence France Presse
2011-11-11
KABUL – While an end to the fighting in Afghanistan seems some time off, competition is already under way for control of the country's mineral riches, valued at more than US $1 trillion (48 trillion AFA), Agence France Presse (AFP) reported November 10.
According to Ministry of Mines documents seen by AFP, Afghanistan is planning to sell extraction rights for up to five mines every year until the last international coalition troops depart in 2014.
With the war's Western backers pushing economic solutions to end the decade-long conflict, the tussle for future influence in Afghanistan is becoming a regional contest, experts say.
China, flush with foreign exchange reserves and undeterred by the hazards of frontier capitalism, bought the first tendered oil and copper concessions, leading the list of Afghanistan's neighbours bidding for the mines so far.
The huge Aynak mine south of Kabul, to which China won extraction rights in 2007, could yield over11m tonnes of copper, according to Soviet-era data.
A decision on awarding the biggest consignment yet – the two-billion-tonne Hajigak iron ore mine in central Bamiyan Province – is due in the coming days.
"Everyone's rushing," said Deputy Minister of Mines Nasir Durrani, estimating the Hajigak deal could be worth up to $6 billion (287 trillion AFA) to the government.
Future deals on offer include several oil blocks, more copper and iron mines, and deposits of gold and lapis luzuli.
The combined payout from the Aynak and Hajigak mines could earn the hard-up Afghan treasury US $500m (24 trillion AFA) per year, one mining analyst predicted.
Central Asia Online
Azaranica is a non-biased news aggregator on Hazaras. The main aim is to promote understanding and respect for cultural identities by highlighting the realities they face on daily basis...Hazaras have been the victim of active persecution and discrimination and one of the reasons among many has been the lack of information, awareness, and disinformation.
Friday, November 11, 2011
Seeing Afghan history through Afghan eyes
Upcoming conference recognizes the 80th anniversary of the death of Fayz Muhammad Katib, the first major Hazara writer and historian, and the 10th anniversary of the U.S.-led invasion of Afghanistan.
By Rebecca Kendall
Director of Communications
Nile Green clearly remembers the moment he first became interested in world events. He was about seven years old and he and his schoolmates had been called into an assembly. There, they were told of the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan.
“I remember thinking ‘Soviet, what’s that?’”
By the time he was a high school senior, he had been enjoying the freedom of travelling alone from his home in England to spend a summer back-packing through Turkey.
“It was wanderlust to an extent, and I suppose it was about as far as the Eurorail would take me.”
His impulse to travel later led him to visit Yemen, Syria and Egypt and have longer-term stays in Iran, India, Pakistan and eventually Afghanistan. In many ways, his imagination has never left Afghanistan.
Green joined UCLA’s Department of History as a professor in 2007. His particular research interests include the early modern and modern history of India, Pakistan, Afghanistan and Iran; the Indian Ocean; Persian and Urdu travel writing; and Islam and globalization.
These interests made him an ideal fit to lead the UCLA Program on Central Asia, which is part of the UCLA Asia Institute and one of the many multidisciplinary programs, centers and institutes focused on world regions and global issues that comprise the UCLA International Institute.
“The way we’ve conceived of working on Central Asia is to make this an area of connection and conversation: a place where historians and scholars who are interested in China, Russia, India, Pakistan or the Middle East will join up; an intellectual crossroads, of sorts.”
He says the UCLA Program on Central Asia makes a conscious effort to distance itself from the traditional approach of looking at Central Asia, one in which the region is only viewed in relation to Soviet studies. “We offer a more robust examination of the entirety of Central Asia’s broader history, one that is also linked to Middle Eastern, Chinese and Indian history, and that looks at Central Asia’s cultural and social history, as well as its anthropology. That’s what distinguishes us.”
Much of Green’s own current work is centered on Afghan studies, and he is currently teaching a seminar on modern Afghan history. He recently participated in a UCLA conference on Afghan literature and co-edited Afghanistan in Ink, the first scholarly survey of modern Afghan literature, tracing patterns of thought and identity, and their destabilization in contemporary times.
In less than a week, he will host an international conference that will bring together scholars from Afghanistan, UCLA, New York University, the University of Arizona and Humboldt University in Berlin, Germany, to discuss “Great Games? Afghan History through Afghan Eyes.” The conference, which will be held Nov. 17 and 18 at the Young Research Library, will also feature a pre-recorded video presentation by independent Afghan scholar Ashraf Ghani, a prominent Afghani politician, former chancellor of the University of Kabul and former finance minister of Afghanistan. An Afghan exhibit curated by Green will be on display at the Young Research Library until the end of the quarter.
The conference, funded by the American Institute of Afghanistan Studies, honors the 80th anniversary of the death of Fayz Muhammad Katib, the first major Hazara writer and historian. Born in the early 1860s, Katib was a bureaucrat under the modernizing government of the 1920s who witnessed many of the social and political changes in the country, which shaped the region’s politics to the present day.
“The Hazaras have been empowered by the war,” says Green. “They were the downtrodden and often the servant class in Afghanistan. Ironically, the war of the last 30 years and the rise of Maoist politics among them in the 1960 and 70s have caused a deliberate sense of uplift among Hazaras. Hazara intellectuals are creating their own universities, including one in Kabul named after Fayz Muhammad Katib.”
The conference also marks the 10th anniversary of the U.S. led invasion of Afghanistan.
The two events are closely tied, says Green, because Katib wrote a rare eye-witness account of the 1929 government coup that toppled Afghanistan’s first modernizing government. The current uncertainty facing Afghanistan as troops begin to pull out of the country has led to a renewed interest in Katib’s work and vision.
Of particular interest to Green are the ways in which Afghans perceive their national history. He has spent a great deal of time speaking with Afghans and learning about the range of viewpoints that exist.
“My work as an historian has always come out of being on the ground with people and trying to register, in a sense, their perceptions of their histories, says Green, who earned the John F. Richards Fellowship from the American Institute of Afghanistan Studies to conduct research in Kabul this summer. “Afghans are very deeply concerned with their own history as a way of understanding the future of their country.”
The two key approaches to thinking about their collective history circle around two schools of thought. One interprets history as being something that Afghans have had an active role in. The other views history as something that has been thrust upon the nation by a series of foreign imperial aggressors, namely the British, followed by the Soviets and now the Americans.
“It’s these perceptions of the past that are the makers of their history. There are communist readings of Afghan history, there are Islamist readings, there are ethicized readings of that history. Those approaches to the past show the ways in which Afghans have very different agendas when it comes to shaping the future of their own society.”
UCLA
By Rebecca Kendall
Director of Communications
Nile Green clearly remembers the moment he first became interested in world events. He was about seven years old and he and his schoolmates had been called into an assembly. There, they were told of the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan.
“I remember thinking ‘Soviet, what’s that?’”
By the time he was a high school senior, he had been enjoying the freedom of travelling alone from his home in England to spend a summer back-packing through Turkey.
“It was wanderlust to an extent, and I suppose it was about as far as the Eurorail would take me.”
His impulse to travel later led him to visit Yemen, Syria and Egypt and have longer-term stays in Iran, India, Pakistan and eventually Afghanistan. In many ways, his imagination has never left Afghanistan.
Green joined UCLA’s Department of History as a professor in 2007. His particular research interests include the early modern and modern history of India, Pakistan, Afghanistan and Iran; the Indian Ocean; Persian and Urdu travel writing; and Islam and globalization.
These interests made him an ideal fit to lead the UCLA Program on Central Asia, which is part of the UCLA Asia Institute and one of the many multidisciplinary programs, centers and institutes focused on world regions and global issues that comprise the UCLA International Institute.
“The way we’ve conceived of working on Central Asia is to make this an area of connection and conversation: a place where historians and scholars who are interested in China, Russia, India, Pakistan or the Middle East will join up; an intellectual crossroads, of sorts.”
He says the UCLA Program on Central Asia makes a conscious effort to distance itself from the traditional approach of looking at Central Asia, one in which the region is only viewed in relation to Soviet studies. “We offer a more robust examination of the entirety of Central Asia’s broader history, one that is also linked to Middle Eastern, Chinese and Indian history, and that looks at Central Asia’s cultural and social history, as well as its anthropology. That’s what distinguishes us.”
Much of Green’s own current work is centered on Afghan studies, and he is currently teaching a seminar on modern Afghan history. He recently participated in a UCLA conference on Afghan literature and co-edited Afghanistan in Ink, the first scholarly survey of modern Afghan literature, tracing patterns of thought and identity, and their destabilization in contemporary times.
In less than a week, he will host an international conference that will bring together scholars from Afghanistan, UCLA, New York University, the University of Arizona and Humboldt University in Berlin, Germany, to discuss “Great Games? Afghan History through Afghan Eyes.” The conference, which will be held Nov. 17 and 18 at the Young Research Library, will also feature a pre-recorded video presentation by independent Afghan scholar Ashraf Ghani, a prominent Afghani politician, former chancellor of the University of Kabul and former finance minister of Afghanistan. An Afghan exhibit curated by Green will be on display at the Young Research Library until the end of the quarter.
The conference, funded by the American Institute of Afghanistan Studies, honors the 80th anniversary of the death of Fayz Muhammad Katib, the first major Hazara writer and historian. Born in the early 1860s, Katib was a bureaucrat under the modernizing government of the 1920s who witnessed many of the social and political changes in the country, which shaped the region’s politics to the present day.
“The Hazaras have been empowered by the war,” says Green. “They were the downtrodden and often the servant class in Afghanistan. Ironically, the war of the last 30 years and the rise of Maoist politics among them in the 1960 and 70s have caused a deliberate sense of uplift among Hazaras. Hazara intellectuals are creating their own universities, including one in Kabul named after Fayz Muhammad Katib.”
The conference also marks the 10th anniversary of the U.S. led invasion of Afghanistan.
The two events are closely tied, says Green, because Katib wrote a rare eye-witness account of the 1929 government coup that toppled Afghanistan’s first modernizing government. The current uncertainty facing Afghanistan as troops begin to pull out of the country has led to a renewed interest in Katib’s work and vision.
Of particular interest to Green are the ways in which Afghans perceive their national history. He has spent a great deal of time speaking with Afghans and learning about the range of viewpoints that exist.
“My work as an historian has always come out of being on the ground with people and trying to register, in a sense, their perceptions of their histories, says Green, who earned the John F. Richards Fellowship from the American Institute of Afghanistan Studies to conduct research in Kabul this summer. “Afghans are very deeply concerned with their own history as a way of understanding the future of their country.”
The two key approaches to thinking about their collective history circle around two schools of thought. One interprets history as being something that Afghans have had an active role in. The other views history as something that has been thrust upon the nation by a series of foreign imperial aggressors, namely the British, followed by the Soviets and now the Americans.
“It’s these perceptions of the past that are the makers of their history. There are communist readings of Afghan history, there are Islamist readings, there are ethicized readings of that history. Those approaches to the past show the ways in which Afghans have very different agendas when it comes to shaping the future of their own society.”
UCLA
‘Boy Mir’ shows determination
BY JIM SLOTEK ,QMI AGENCY
FIRST POSTED: FRIDAY, NOVEMBER 11, 2011 02:00 AM EST
With or without the Taliban (but particularly with), the life of the ethnically Asian Hazara people of Northern Afghanistan has been a brutal, grinding struggle.
They were the people just outside the camera frame as the world sat transfixed by the demolition of the "idolatrous" giant Buddhas of Bamiyan. They live in caves, their poverty augmented by episodes of brutality visited upon them by the regime.
Documentarian Phil Grabsky gets points for determination for completing The Boy Mir: Ten Years in Afghanistan (opening Friday at the Projection Booth on Gerrard), a year-by-year, child-to-man account of the life of a mischievous kid who stuck his grinning face into one such camera shot.
Drawn to Bamiyan by the crime against culture, he was intrigued by the boy and his life, and started filming. Somehow compelled to carry the project on for a decade, Grabsky has created a human picture of that benighted country, and the experience of abject poverty in general.
The first revelation is how Mir came to have a "half-brother" named Khushdel who is at least 20 years older. Seems Mir's dad, a twice-widowed, disabled coalmine worker named Abdul, arranged a "swap" to address their destitution.
He'd traded his daughter to Khushdel for Khushdel's mother (who would give birth to Mir), two marriages which produced a new breadwinner for the family (or would have if there were jobs).
An argumentative bunch, Mir's extended family scrambles to survive -- making food with grass and organ meat discarded by a local butcher.
About the only thing that goes right in the life of Mir is that the Taliban disappears (preoccupied with maintaining a stronghold in the South).
Consequently, the only contact they have with NATO soldiers is when they show up for oddly thought-out humanitarian missions. One day an ocean of latrines appears, but no housing. Weeks later, 100 homes will be built for the hundreds of homeless families. Later, we see them distributing gifts of, um, notepads.
When expected NATO foodstuffs don't arrive, and the family loses out on the house lottery, they head North to the village they'd abandoned as the Taliban were flushed out, and move into their now-bombed-out home, trying their best to fix holes with tape, boxes and packaging.
What's fascinating about the 10-year experience (punctuated with news reports of the deteriorating Afghan situation), is how everyone knows the NATO-provided school could be Mir's ticket out of poverty, but poverty seems to be like gravity. There are no happy endings here.
The stark mountainous beauty that framed the Buddhas remains a terrific backdrop for Grabsky's doc, their sheer crushing mass serving as a metaphor for a life of inevitabilities (like a Third World version of Michael Apted's Seven-Up docs).
It's also interesting to see the Americans fall from saviour status for want of amenities that would have cost a tiny fraction of what it cost to pound the countryside with drones.
jim.slotek@sunmedia.ca
Toronto SUN
FIRST POSTED: FRIDAY, NOVEMBER 11, 2011 02:00 AM EST
With or without the Taliban (but particularly with), the life of the ethnically Asian Hazara people of Northern Afghanistan has been a brutal, grinding struggle.
They were the people just outside the camera frame as the world sat transfixed by the demolition of the "idolatrous" giant Buddhas of Bamiyan. They live in caves, their poverty augmented by episodes of brutality visited upon them by the regime.
Documentarian Phil Grabsky gets points for determination for completing The Boy Mir: Ten Years in Afghanistan (opening Friday at the Projection Booth on Gerrard), a year-by-year, child-to-man account of the life of a mischievous kid who stuck his grinning face into one such camera shot.
Drawn to Bamiyan by the crime against culture, he was intrigued by the boy and his life, and started filming. Somehow compelled to carry the project on for a decade, Grabsky has created a human picture of that benighted country, and the experience of abject poverty in general.
The first revelation is how Mir came to have a "half-brother" named Khushdel who is at least 20 years older. Seems Mir's dad, a twice-widowed, disabled coalmine worker named Abdul, arranged a "swap" to address their destitution.
He'd traded his daughter to Khushdel for Khushdel's mother (who would give birth to Mir), two marriages which produced a new breadwinner for the family (or would have if there were jobs).
An argumentative bunch, Mir's extended family scrambles to survive -- making food with grass and organ meat discarded by a local butcher.
About the only thing that goes right in the life of Mir is that the Taliban disappears (preoccupied with maintaining a stronghold in the South).
Consequently, the only contact they have with NATO soldiers is when they show up for oddly thought-out humanitarian missions. One day an ocean of latrines appears, but no housing. Weeks later, 100 homes will be built for the hundreds of homeless families. Later, we see them distributing gifts of, um, notepads.
When expected NATO foodstuffs don't arrive, and the family loses out on the house lottery, they head North to the village they'd abandoned as the Taliban were flushed out, and move into their now-bombed-out home, trying their best to fix holes with tape, boxes and packaging.
What's fascinating about the 10-year experience (punctuated with news reports of the deteriorating Afghan situation), is how everyone knows the NATO-provided school could be Mir's ticket out of poverty, but poverty seems to be like gravity. There are no happy endings here.
The stark mountainous beauty that framed the Buddhas remains a terrific backdrop for Grabsky's doc, their sheer crushing mass serving as a metaphor for a life of inevitabilities (like a Third World version of Michael Apted's Seven-Up docs).
It's also interesting to see the Americans fall from saviour status for want of amenities that would have cost a tiny fraction of what it cost to pound the countryside with drones.
jim.slotek@sunmedia.ca
Toronto SUN
طرفداران نظام پارلمانی در افغانستان جبهه سیاسی تشکیل دادند
به روز شده: 12:29 گرينويچ - جمعه 11 نوامبر 2011 - 20 آبان 1390
گروه تازه تاسیس سیاسی، نظام کنونی افغانستان را ناکارامد توصیف کرده و گفته که خواهان تغییر نظام سیاسی از ریاستی به پارلمانی است.
شماری از رهبران گروههای سیاسی افغانستان با هدف تغییر نظام ریاستی به نظام پارلمانی تشکل جدیدی به نام "جبهه ملی افغانستان" تشکیل داده اند.
در این جبهه احمد ضیا مسعود معاون پیشین رئیس جمهوری، محمد محقق عضو مجلس، عبدالرشید دوستم رهبر جنبش ملی اسلامی عضویت دارند.
این جبهه که روز جمعه (۲۰ عقرب/آبان) اعلام موجودیت کرد، نسبت به روند جاری در افغانستان به شدت انتقاد کرده و در اعلامیه ای در مورد آینده سیاسی کشور هشدار داده است.
رهبران این جبهه، نظام کنونی را افغانستان را "ناکارآمد" خوانده و گفته اند که این نظام دچار "ضعف مدیریت سیاسی" و باعث "تقابل زیانبار قوای ثلاثه کشور" شده است.
احمد ضیا مسعود در مراسم آغاز به کار این جبهه با تاکید بر همگرایی گروههای مختلف سیاسی، مذهبی و قومی، حکومت کنونی را فاقد پایگاه در میان اقوام کشور خواند.
او همچنین افزود: "امروز وقتی که ما می بینیم حکومت ما نمی تواند در برابر مشکلات بزرگی که جامعه ما را تهدید می کند، از خود کارآمدی نشان بدهد، تنها علتش این است که حکومت موجود در بین همه اقوام افغانستان پایگاههای عمیق اجتماعی ندارد."
همچنین محمد محقق در این مراسم گفت: "ما هنوز کشور را بر اساس سلیقه های خود و برداشت های شخصی اداره می کنیم. درست است که ما کارهای مهمی انجام داده ایم و در این ده سال مردم تا حدی به طرف دموکراسی رفتند، اما اینها در برابر زمانی که گذشت و سرمایه هایی که خرج شد، ناچیز است."
رهبران جبهه ملی برگزاری لویه جرگه (مجلس بزرگ سنتی) را "غیرقانونی" و تلاشی برای تضعیف پارلمان دانسته و گفته اند که در آن شرکت نمی کنند. محمد محقق گفت: "پارلمان است که نماینده ملت افغانستان است و نه آنهایی که حکومت آنها را جمع می کند."
دولت افغانستان اعلام کرده که این جرگه در ۲۵ عقرب/آبان برای مشورت در مورد مسائل مهم و از جمله بستن پیمان استراتژیک با آمریکا و گفت و گو با طالبان، برگزار خواهد شد.
این جبهه ضمن حمایت از مذاکره با طالبان، "ساختار متمرکز و مشروعیت ضعیف نظام کنونی را مانع اصلی در این راه" خوانده است. جبهه ملی در اعلامیه خود بر ضرورت "اصلاحات بنیادی در ساختار نظام سیاسی" پیش از واگذاری مسئولیت امنیتی به نیروهای مسلح این کشور در سال ۲۰۱۴ تاکید کرده است.
رهبران این جبهه، تشکیل نظام پارلمانی با داشتن پست نخست وزیری را به عنوان جایگزینی برای نظام ریاستی کنونی، در صدر اهداف خود قرار داده اند. آنها برای رسیدن به این هدف، تغییر قانون اساسی از طریق راهکارهای یپش بینی شده را ضروری دانسته اند.
جبهه ملی خواهان تغییر نظام انتخاباتی نیز شده و گفته است که از نظام انتخاباتی "تناسبی" که بر اساس آن علاوه بر افراد مستقل، احزاب سیاسی هم می توانند در انتخابات شرکت کنند، حمایت می کند. این جبهه تاکید کرده که برای رسیدن به اهداف خود از راههای مدنی و قانونی استفاده خواهد کرد.
شماری از اعضای جبهه ملی، قبلا عضو جبهه مشابهی که چند سال پیش به عنوان گروه سیاسی مخالف حکومت حامد کرزی، فعالیت داشت، نیز بودند. اما این جبهه در آستانه انتخابات ریاست جمهوری و با رفتن مارشال فهیم از این جبهه به معاونت آقای کرزی، "جبهه متحد ملی" ۱۳۸۸ از هم پاشید.
در حال حاضر یک گروه سیاسی دیگر هم موسوم به "ائتلاف ملی تغییر و امید" تحت رهبری دکتر عبدالله عبدالله به عنوان گروه مخالف حکومت آقای کرزی فعالیت دارد که شماری از چهره های مخالف آقای کرزی در آن عضویت دارند.
ائتلاف ملی تغییر و امید هم از حامیان نظام پارلمانی است و پیش از آن در زمان تصویب قانون اساسی در سال ۱۳۸۲ هم شماری از رهبران سیاسی از چنین نظامی حمایت کردند، اما در برابر حامیان نظام ریاستی که آقای کرزی از آن حمایت می کرد، شکست خوردند.
BBC FARSI
گروه تازه تاسیس سیاسی، نظام کنونی افغانستان را ناکارامد توصیف کرده و گفته که خواهان تغییر نظام سیاسی از ریاستی به پارلمانی است.
شماری از رهبران گروههای سیاسی افغانستان با هدف تغییر نظام ریاستی به نظام پارلمانی تشکل جدیدی به نام "جبهه ملی افغانستان" تشکیل داده اند.
در این جبهه احمد ضیا مسعود معاون پیشین رئیس جمهوری، محمد محقق عضو مجلس، عبدالرشید دوستم رهبر جنبش ملی اسلامی عضویت دارند.
این جبهه که روز جمعه (۲۰ عقرب/آبان) اعلام موجودیت کرد، نسبت به روند جاری در افغانستان به شدت انتقاد کرده و در اعلامیه ای در مورد آینده سیاسی کشور هشدار داده است.
رهبران این جبهه، نظام کنونی را افغانستان را "ناکارآمد" خوانده و گفته اند که این نظام دچار "ضعف مدیریت سیاسی" و باعث "تقابل زیانبار قوای ثلاثه کشور" شده است.
احمد ضیا مسعود در مراسم آغاز به کار این جبهه با تاکید بر همگرایی گروههای مختلف سیاسی، مذهبی و قومی، حکومت کنونی را فاقد پایگاه در میان اقوام کشور خواند.
او همچنین افزود: "امروز وقتی که ما می بینیم حکومت ما نمی تواند در برابر مشکلات بزرگی که جامعه ما را تهدید می کند، از خود کارآمدی نشان بدهد، تنها علتش این است که حکومت موجود در بین همه اقوام افغانستان پایگاههای عمیق اجتماعی ندارد."
همچنین محمد محقق در این مراسم گفت: "ما هنوز کشور را بر اساس سلیقه های خود و برداشت های شخصی اداره می کنیم. درست است که ما کارهای مهمی انجام داده ایم و در این ده سال مردم تا حدی به طرف دموکراسی رفتند، اما اینها در برابر زمانی که گذشت و سرمایه هایی که خرج شد، ناچیز است."
رهبران جبهه ملی برگزاری لویه جرگه (مجلس بزرگ سنتی) را "غیرقانونی" و تلاشی برای تضعیف پارلمان دانسته و گفته اند که در آن شرکت نمی کنند. محمد محقق گفت: "پارلمان است که نماینده ملت افغانستان است و نه آنهایی که حکومت آنها را جمع می کند."
دولت افغانستان اعلام کرده که این جرگه در ۲۵ عقرب/آبان برای مشورت در مورد مسائل مهم و از جمله بستن پیمان استراتژیک با آمریکا و گفت و گو با طالبان، برگزار خواهد شد.
این جبهه ضمن حمایت از مذاکره با طالبان، "ساختار متمرکز و مشروعیت ضعیف نظام کنونی را مانع اصلی در این راه" خوانده است. جبهه ملی در اعلامیه خود بر ضرورت "اصلاحات بنیادی در ساختار نظام سیاسی" پیش از واگذاری مسئولیت امنیتی به نیروهای مسلح این کشور در سال ۲۰۱۴ تاکید کرده است.
رهبران این جبهه، تشکیل نظام پارلمانی با داشتن پست نخست وزیری را به عنوان جایگزینی برای نظام ریاستی کنونی، در صدر اهداف خود قرار داده اند. آنها برای رسیدن به این هدف، تغییر قانون اساسی از طریق راهکارهای یپش بینی شده را ضروری دانسته اند.
جبهه ملی خواهان تغییر نظام انتخاباتی نیز شده و گفته است که از نظام انتخاباتی "تناسبی" که بر اساس آن علاوه بر افراد مستقل، احزاب سیاسی هم می توانند در انتخابات شرکت کنند، حمایت می کند. این جبهه تاکید کرده که برای رسیدن به اهداف خود از راههای مدنی و قانونی استفاده خواهد کرد.
شماری از اعضای جبهه ملی، قبلا عضو جبهه مشابهی که چند سال پیش به عنوان گروه سیاسی مخالف حکومت حامد کرزی، فعالیت داشت، نیز بودند. اما این جبهه در آستانه انتخابات ریاست جمهوری و با رفتن مارشال فهیم از این جبهه به معاونت آقای کرزی، "جبهه متحد ملی" ۱۳۸۸ از هم پاشید.
در حال حاضر یک گروه سیاسی دیگر هم موسوم به "ائتلاف ملی تغییر و امید" تحت رهبری دکتر عبدالله عبدالله به عنوان گروه مخالف حکومت آقای کرزی فعالیت دارد که شماری از چهره های مخالف آقای کرزی در آن عضویت دارند.
ائتلاف ملی تغییر و امید هم از حامیان نظام پارلمانی است و پیش از آن در زمان تصویب قانون اساسی در سال ۱۳۸۲ هم شماری از رهبران سیاسی از چنین نظامی حمایت کردند، اما در برابر حامیان نظام ریاستی که آقای کرزی از آن حمایت می کرد، شکست خوردند.
BBC FARSI
Thursday, November 10, 2011
AFGHANISTAN: Hussain Ali, "We need protection not detention"
Photo: Contributor/IRIN
Hussain Ali has been detained for more than 21 months
CANBERRA, 11 November 2011 (IRIN) - Hussain Ali, an ethnic Hazara Afghan, has experienced first-hand the flaws in Australia's mandatory detention policy. For more than 21 months, he has been held at the Curtin Immigration Detention Centre (IDC), one of eight high-security facilities across Australia for boat people, unsure whether his application for refugee status will be accepted or not.
From the remote facility in Western Australia's far north - the nation's largest with an operational capacity of more than 1,200 detainees - the 25-year-old told IRIN why he fled his homeland.
"This is my second attempt to seek refugee status in Australia. I was just 15 when I first fled Afghanistan after the Taliban began forcibly conscripting young boys in the village. Life for Hazaras like me is particularly difficult in Afghanistan. We are Shias and look different from most Afghans so the Taliban regularly single us out for abuse. To escape this, my uncle had me smuggled out of the country to Australia.
"When I arrived I was only a minor and didn't know what my rights were. Over the next three years in detention, I had no contact with my family and often fell into depression. Being in detention for so long is mentally exhausting. I don't know how else to describe it.
"Then [former prime minister] John Howard's so-called 'Pacific Solution' started [in 2001] and they asked many of us to return voluntarily. Many took up the offer and returned to Afghanistan, only to be beheaded by the Taliban once they arrived. I too felt I had no choice but to return. When I returned, I contacted my family who had been driven off their land by the Taliban and fled to Pakistan in late 2002. In 2003, I joined them outside Quetta in Pakistan's southwest Balochistan Province.
"But life in Pakistan wasn't much better. There we were regularly discriminated against and abused as well - often quite violently. And as we didn't have the legal right to be there or work, many of us found ourselves having to work in a local coal mine where conditions were nothing short of dire. I worked there from 2003 until January 2010 where I regularly witnessed first-hand the violence and brutality meted out against Hazaras like me.
"We couldn't even go to the market or do anything as fundamentalist groups have declared us infidels. They even thought by killing us they would go to paradise, while local residents would throw stones at us. Meanwhile, the Pakistani authorities did little to protect us. In fact, we often had to pay the police bribes just to avoid arrest.
"In 2009, fundamentalist groups in the area called on us to leave, saying we didn't belong there. And when we didn't, they responded by beheading five Hazara coal miners, which prompted me again to flee again to Australia.
"Since my departure, things have not improved. Since 2002, hundreds of Hazaras have been killed in Pakistan.
"I arrived in Australia for the second time on 1 February 2010. Now more than 21 months on, I'm still in detention. My initial application for refugee status was rejected after 14 months, while I still haven't received a response to my appeal seven months ago. I don't know what will happen next to me or my family. Please help us. We need protection not detention."
ds/mw
IRIN
Hussain Ali has been detained for more than 21 months
CANBERRA, 11 November 2011 (IRIN) - Hussain Ali, an ethnic Hazara Afghan, has experienced first-hand the flaws in Australia's mandatory detention policy. For more than 21 months, he has been held at the Curtin Immigration Detention Centre (IDC), one of eight high-security facilities across Australia for boat people, unsure whether his application for refugee status will be accepted or not.
From the remote facility in Western Australia's far north - the nation's largest with an operational capacity of more than 1,200 detainees - the 25-year-old told IRIN why he fled his homeland.
"This is my second attempt to seek refugee status in Australia. I was just 15 when I first fled Afghanistan after the Taliban began forcibly conscripting young boys in the village. Life for Hazaras like me is particularly difficult in Afghanistan. We are Shias and look different from most Afghans so the Taliban regularly single us out for abuse. To escape this, my uncle had me smuggled out of the country to Australia.
"When I arrived I was only a minor and didn't know what my rights were. Over the next three years in detention, I had no contact with my family and often fell into depression. Being in detention for so long is mentally exhausting. I don't know how else to describe it.
"Then [former prime minister] John Howard's so-called 'Pacific Solution' started [in 2001] and they asked many of us to return voluntarily. Many took up the offer and returned to Afghanistan, only to be beheaded by the Taliban once they arrived. I too felt I had no choice but to return. When I returned, I contacted my family who had been driven off their land by the Taliban and fled to Pakistan in late 2002. In 2003, I joined them outside Quetta in Pakistan's southwest Balochistan Province.
"But life in Pakistan wasn't much better. There we were regularly discriminated against and abused as well - often quite violently. And as we didn't have the legal right to be there or work, many of us found ourselves having to work in a local coal mine where conditions were nothing short of dire. I worked there from 2003 until January 2010 where I regularly witnessed first-hand the violence and brutality meted out against Hazaras like me.
"We couldn't even go to the market or do anything as fundamentalist groups have declared us infidels. They even thought by killing us they would go to paradise, while local residents would throw stones at us. Meanwhile, the Pakistani authorities did little to protect us. In fact, we often had to pay the police bribes just to avoid arrest.
"In 2009, fundamentalist groups in the area called on us to leave, saying we didn't belong there. And when we didn't, they responded by beheading five Hazara coal miners, which prompted me again to flee again to Australia.
"Since my departure, things have not improved. Since 2002, hundreds of Hazaras have been killed in Pakistan.
"I arrived in Australia for the second time on 1 February 2010. Now more than 21 months on, I'm still in detention. My initial application for refugee status was rejected after 14 months, while I still haven't received a response to my appeal seven months ago. I don't know what will happen next to me or my family. Please help us. We need protection not detention."
ds/mw
IRIN
بلوچستان حکومت کی شیعہ مخالف سازش!!خود کش حملہ آور کو شیعہ ظاہر کرنے کی کوشش ناکام
جمعرات, 10 نومبر 2011 15:08
بلوچستان حکومت نے ایک مرتبہ پھر شیعہ مخالف سازشوں کا سلسلہ شروع کر دیا ہے جسکے نتیجہ میں یہ بات منظر عام پر آئی ہے کہ کوئٹہ میں عید کے دوسرے روز ہزارہ ٹاؤن میں امام بارگاہ کے باہر ہونے والے خود کش بم دھماکے میں ملوث ناصبی دہشت گرد کو شیعہ ظاہر کرنے کی ناکام کوشش کی ہے جبکہ ناصبی دہشت گرد خود کش حملہ آورکو مجلس وحدت مسلمین ڈسٹرکٹ جعفر آباد کے سیکرٹری کا بیٹا ظاہر کرنے کی بھی ناکام اور گھناؤنی سازش کی ہے۔
شیعت نیوز کی خصوصی رپورٹنگ کے مطابق بلوچستان پولیس نے کوئٹہ میں عید کے دوسرے روزہزارہ ٹاؤن میں امام بارگاہ پر ہونے والے خود کش حملہ میں ہلاک ہونے والے ناصبی وہابی دہشتگرد کو شیعہ اور مجلس وحد ت مسلمین کے ضلعہ جنرل سیکرٹری کا بیٹا ظاہر کرنے کی گھناؤنی اور ناکام کوشش کی ہے ۔
رپورٹ کے مطابق پولیس نے ناصبی وہابی دہشت گرد گروہوں کالعدم سپاہ صحابہ اور لشکر جھنگوی جو کہ امریکی وصیہونی آلہ کار ہیں اور کئی دہائیوں سے ملک میں شیعہ نسل کشی میں مصروف عمل ہیںکی ایماء پر کوئٹہ میں عید کے دوسرے روز علمدار روڈ پر ہونے والے خود کش حملہ میں واصل جہنم ہونے والے ناصبی وہابی دہشت گرد کو شیعہ ظاہر کرتے ہوئے اسے سکندر علی نامی شخص کا بیٹا قرار دیا ہے اور کہا ہے کہ سکندر علی مجلس وحدت مسلمین کا ضلعی جنرل سیکرٹری ہے تاہم مصدقہ ذرائع سے موصول ہونے والی تحقیقات سے یہ راز افشاں ہو چکا ہے کہ سکندر علی نامی کوئی بھی شخص مجلس وحدت مسلمین بلوچستا ن میں کسی بھی ضلع میں موجود نہیں ہے تاہم عہدیدار ہونا تو دور کی بات ہے۔
واضح رہے کہ بلوچستان میں شیعیان بلوچستان گذشتہ کئی دہائیوں سے امریکی وصیہونی آلہ کار دہشت گرد گروہوں کالعد م سپاہ صحابہ اور لشکر جھنگوی کے ناصبی دہشت گردوں کے مظالم کا نشانہ بن رہے ہیں اور ملک بھر میں شیعہ نسل کشی کا سلسلہ جاری ہے ،اسی اثنا ء میں حکومت بلوچستان کی جانب سے ناصبی وہابی خود کش حملہ آور کو شیعہ قرار دینا اور اسے کسی ایسے فرد کا بیٹا قرار دینا جس کا کوئی وجود بھی نہیں ایک گھناؤنی سازش اور شیعہ دشمنی کی کھلی مثال ہے۔
یہ بات یاد رہے کہ عید القربان کے دوسرے روز بلوچستان کے صوبائی دارلحکومت کوئٹہ میں ہزارہ ٹاؤن میں واقع امام بارگا ہ کے باہر خود کش حملہ آور کا پاؤ ں پھسل جانے سے امام بار گاہ کے باہر ہی دھماکہ ہو گیا تھا جس کے بعد بلوچستان حکومت کی ایماء پر کالعدم دہشت گرد گروہوں سپاہ صحابہ اور لشکر جھنگوی کے ناصبی دہشت گردوں کو تحفظ دینے کے لئے ایسی من گھڑت خبریں میڈیا پر لائی جا رہی ہیں جس سے تحقیقات کا رخ موڑ دیا جائے اور اصل دہشت گردوں کو گرفتار نہ ہونے دیا جائے۔
دوسری جانب یہ بات قابل ذکر ہے کہ مجلس وحدت مسلمین پاکستان ضلع جعفر آباد کے سیکرٹری جنرل کا نام ظفر علی ہے جن کاکوئی بھی بیٹا نہیںہے ۔
مجلس وحدت مسلمین پاکستان بلوچستان کے صوبائی سیکرٹری اطلاعات رحیم شا ہ دوپاسی نے شیعت نیوز کے نمائندے سے خصوصی بات چیت کرتے ہوئے اس بات کی تصدیق کی ہے کہ کوئٹہ میں ہزارہ ٹاؤن میں خود کش حملہ آور مجلس وحدت مسلمین ضلع جعفر آباد کے سیکرٹری جنرل کا بیٹا نہیں ہے کیونکہ حکومت نے جس شخص کو جعفر آباد کا ضلعی جنرل سیکرٹری ظاہر کیا ہے اس نام کا کوئی بھی آدمی نہ تو پہلے کبھی مجلس وحدت مسلمین میں تھا اور نہ ہی آج موجود ہے اور نہ اس نام کے کسی آدمی کا مجلس وحدت مسلمین کے کسی عہدیدار کی حیثیت سے کوئی تعلق ہے ۔
انہوںنے مزید کہا کہ ضلع جعفر آباد کے سیکرٹری جنرل کا نام ظفر علی ہے اور ان کا کوئی بھی بیٹا نہیں ہے تاہم یہ بات حیرت انگیز ہے کہ حکومت بلوچستان اور بلوچستان پولیس کیونکر یہ تاثر دے رہے ہیں اور میڈیا پر ایسی نیوز چلوا رہے ہیں کہ خود کش حملہ آور کی لاش اس کے باپ نے وصول کر لی ہے اور اس کا تعلق مجلس وحدت سے ہے؟؟؟؟
انہوںنے حکومت بلوچستان اور بلوچستان پولیس کی تعصبانہ ذہنیت اور شیعہ دشمنی کی شدید مذمت کرتے ہوئے صدر پاکستان آصف علی زرداری،وزیر اعظم پاکستان سے مطالبہ کیا ہے کہ بلوچستان حکومت کے خلاف سخت ایکشن لیا جائے جو ایک طرف تو شیعیان بلوچستان کو تحفظ فراہم کرنے میں ناکام ہے جبکہ دوسری طرف ملت جعفریہ کے عمائدین کے خلاف گھناؤنی سازشوں میں بھی مصروف عمل ہے۔
انہوںنے واضح کیا کہ ملت جعفریہ خود کش حملہ کو حرام سمجھتی ہے جبکہ ملت جعفریہ کی بے داغ تاریخ اس بات کی گواہ ہے کہ ملت جعفریہ پاکستان کی ایک مظلوم ملت ہے اور کسی کے خلاف بھی دہشت گردی کرنے کو ترجیح نہیں دیتی اور دہشت گردانہ کاروائیوں کو حرام سمجھتی ہے تاہم ایسے حالات میں بلوچستان حکومت اور پولیس کی جانب سے ملت جعفریہ کے خلاف گھناؤنی سازشیں کرنا اس بات کا کھلا ثبوت ہیںکہ حکومت بلوچستان کالعدم دہشت گرد گروہوں سپاہ صحابہ ،لشکر جھنگوی اور طالبان دہشت گردوں کی سرپرستی کر رہی ہے اور ملک کو عدم استحکام کا شکار کرنے کے لئے امریکی و صیہونی ایماء پر کام کر رہی ہے جسے روکنا چاہئیے۔
Shiitenews.com
بلوچستان حکومت نے ایک مرتبہ پھر شیعہ مخالف سازشوں کا سلسلہ شروع کر دیا ہے جسکے نتیجہ میں یہ بات منظر عام پر آئی ہے کہ کوئٹہ میں عید کے دوسرے روز ہزارہ ٹاؤن میں امام بارگاہ کے باہر ہونے والے خود کش بم دھماکے میں ملوث ناصبی دہشت گرد کو شیعہ ظاہر کرنے کی ناکام کوشش کی ہے جبکہ ناصبی دہشت گرد خود کش حملہ آورکو مجلس وحدت مسلمین ڈسٹرکٹ جعفر آباد کے سیکرٹری کا بیٹا ظاہر کرنے کی بھی ناکام اور گھناؤنی سازش کی ہے۔
شیعت نیوز کی خصوصی رپورٹنگ کے مطابق بلوچستان پولیس نے کوئٹہ میں عید کے دوسرے روزہزارہ ٹاؤن میں امام بارگاہ پر ہونے والے خود کش حملہ میں ہلاک ہونے والے ناصبی وہابی دہشتگرد کو شیعہ اور مجلس وحد ت مسلمین کے ضلعہ جنرل سیکرٹری کا بیٹا ظاہر کرنے کی گھناؤنی اور ناکام کوشش کی ہے ۔
رپورٹ کے مطابق پولیس نے ناصبی وہابی دہشت گرد گروہوں کالعدم سپاہ صحابہ اور لشکر جھنگوی جو کہ امریکی وصیہونی آلہ کار ہیں اور کئی دہائیوں سے ملک میں شیعہ نسل کشی میں مصروف عمل ہیںکی ایماء پر کوئٹہ میں عید کے دوسرے روز علمدار روڈ پر ہونے والے خود کش حملہ میں واصل جہنم ہونے والے ناصبی وہابی دہشت گرد کو شیعہ ظاہر کرتے ہوئے اسے سکندر علی نامی شخص کا بیٹا قرار دیا ہے اور کہا ہے کہ سکندر علی مجلس وحدت مسلمین کا ضلعی جنرل سیکرٹری ہے تاہم مصدقہ ذرائع سے موصول ہونے والی تحقیقات سے یہ راز افشاں ہو چکا ہے کہ سکندر علی نامی کوئی بھی شخص مجلس وحدت مسلمین بلوچستا ن میں کسی بھی ضلع میں موجود نہیں ہے تاہم عہدیدار ہونا تو دور کی بات ہے۔
واضح رہے کہ بلوچستان میں شیعیان بلوچستان گذشتہ کئی دہائیوں سے امریکی وصیہونی آلہ کار دہشت گرد گروہوں کالعد م سپاہ صحابہ اور لشکر جھنگوی کے ناصبی دہشت گردوں کے مظالم کا نشانہ بن رہے ہیں اور ملک بھر میں شیعہ نسل کشی کا سلسلہ جاری ہے ،اسی اثنا ء میں حکومت بلوچستان کی جانب سے ناصبی وہابی خود کش حملہ آور کو شیعہ قرار دینا اور اسے کسی ایسے فرد کا بیٹا قرار دینا جس کا کوئی وجود بھی نہیں ایک گھناؤنی سازش اور شیعہ دشمنی کی کھلی مثال ہے۔
یہ بات یاد رہے کہ عید القربان کے دوسرے روز بلوچستان کے صوبائی دارلحکومت کوئٹہ میں ہزارہ ٹاؤن میں واقع امام بارگا ہ کے باہر خود کش حملہ آور کا پاؤ ں پھسل جانے سے امام بار گاہ کے باہر ہی دھماکہ ہو گیا تھا جس کے بعد بلوچستان حکومت کی ایماء پر کالعدم دہشت گرد گروہوں سپاہ صحابہ اور لشکر جھنگوی کے ناصبی دہشت گردوں کو تحفظ دینے کے لئے ایسی من گھڑت خبریں میڈیا پر لائی جا رہی ہیں جس سے تحقیقات کا رخ موڑ دیا جائے اور اصل دہشت گردوں کو گرفتار نہ ہونے دیا جائے۔
دوسری جانب یہ بات قابل ذکر ہے کہ مجلس وحدت مسلمین پاکستان ضلع جعفر آباد کے سیکرٹری جنرل کا نام ظفر علی ہے جن کاکوئی بھی بیٹا نہیںہے ۔
مجلس وحدت مسلمین پاکستان بلوچستان کے صوبائی سیکرٹری اطلاعات رحیم شا ہ دوپاسی نے شیعت نیوز کے نمائندے سے خصوصی بات چیت کرتے ہوئے اس بات کی تصدیق کی ہے کہ کوئٹہ میں ہزارہ ٹاؤن میں خود کش حملہ آور مجلس وحدت مسلمین ضلع جعفر آباد کے سیکرٹری جنرل کا بیٹا نہیں ہے کیونکہ حکومت نے جس شخص کو جعفر آباد کا ضلعی جنرل سیکرٹری ظاہر کیا ہے اس نام کا کوئی بھی آدمی نہ تو پہلے کبھی مجلس وحدت مسلمین میں تھا اور نہ ہی آج موجود ہے اور نہ اس نام کے کسی آدمی کا مجلس وحدت مسلمین کے کسی عہدیدار کی حیثیت سے کوئی تعلق ہے ۔
انہوںنے مزید کہا کہ ضلع جعفر آباد کے سیکرٹری جنرل کا نام ظفر علی ہے اور ان کا کوئی بھی بیٹا نہیں ہے تاہم یہ بات حیرت انگیز ہے کہ حکومت بلوچستان اور بلوچستان پولیس کیونکر یہ تاثر دے رہے ہیں اور میڈیا پر ایسی نیوز چلوا رہے ہیں کہ خود کش حملہ آور کی لاش اس کے باپ نے وصول کر لی ہے اور اس کا تعلق مجلس وحدت سے ہے؟؟؟؟
انہوںنے حکومت بلوچستان اور بلوچستان پولیس کی تعصبانہ ذہنیت اور شیعہ دشمنی کی شدید مذمت کرتے ہوئے صدر پاکستان آصف علی زرداری،وزیر اعظم پاکستان سے مطالبہ کیا ہے کہ بلوچستان حکومت کے خلاف سخت ایکشن لیا جائے جو ایک طرف تو شیعیان بلوچستان کو تحفظ فراہم کرنے میں ناکام ہے جبکہ دوسری طرف ملت جعفریہ کے عمائدین کے خلاف گھناؤنی سازشوں میں بھی مصروف عمل ہے۔
انہوںنے واضح کیا کہ ملت جعفریہ خود کش حملہ کو حرام سمجھتی ہے جبکہ ملت جعفریہ کی بے داغ تاریخ اس بات کی گواہ ہے کہ ملت جعفریہ پاکستان کی ایک مظلوم ملت ہے اور کسی کے خلاف بھی دہشت گردی کرنے کو ترجیح نہیں دیتی اور دہشت گردانہ کاروائیوں کو حرام سمجھتی ہے تاہم ایسے حالات میں بلوچستان حکومت اور پولیس کی جانب سے ملت جعفریہ کے خلاف گھناؤنی سازشیں کرنا اس بات کا کھلا ثبوت ہیںکہ حکومت بلوچستان کالعدم دہشت گرد گروہوں سپاہ صحابہ ،لشکر جھنگوی اور طالبان دہشت گردوں کی سرپرستی کر رہی ہے اور ملک کو عدم استحکام کا شکار کرنے کے لئے امریکی و صیہونی ایماء پر کام کر رہی ہے جسے روکنا چاہئیے۔
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