Tuesday, November 6, 2012
در مسیر داوود سرخوش شدن
نما و صدا
در سلسله برنامه «یک پنجه ساز؛ گپی با هنرمند»، این بار داوود سرخوش معرفی می گردد. داوود پس از کشته شدن 23 عضو خانواده اش به پاکستان مهاجرت کرد. آنجا او روزگار دشواری را سپری کرد و به هنر روی آورد.
نمی دانست چند روز است که پاهایش را دیگر بر خاک وطن نمی گذارد. از آن روز چند شنبه که برای آخرین بار شاهد غروب آفتاب در پشت کوه های خانۀ پدری خود بود، شاید هم هفته ها گذشته است. اینجا هر چیز طور دیگر است. خانه ها نقشۀ دیگر دارند. خیابان ها نام های دیگر دارند. خاطره ها صاحبان دیگر دارد: ناصر آباد، شهر کویته، سال 1362 خورشیدی.
اعضای خانواده، جدا جدا و یکی یکی تا به اینجا آمده اند. چشم همه سوی دست های کار آزمودۀ برادر بزرگ تر است. برادر، دکان ساعت سازی و رادیوسازی باز کرده؛ او باید پهلوی برادر بیاستد تا روزگار سخت مرد افگن، برادر را از پا نیافگند. هنوز فقط دوازده بهار عمر را شاهد بوده. کار را کم کم از برادر فرا گرفته است. زمان می گذرد و او از پی عقربه های ساعت، بیهوده پشت زمان گم شده می گردد. دکان آهسته آهسته کلان تر می شود. دو تا جوان که از لوگر هستند شریک دکان شده اند. آنها ترمیم تلویزیون و رادیو را به عهده گرفته اند. شب ها اما عاید دکان عادلانه چهار قسمت می شود. بچه های دیگر هم ـ چه بزرگ تر و چه کوچک تر ـ هر کس به کاری مشغول است. هر روز از مقابل دکان، جوان های می گذرند که در معدن ذغال عرق ریزی می کنند. گاهی بر سر و گاهی در دست های شان کلاه های پلاستیکی است که آن را هنگام کار در معدن می پوشند. او چند تا از آن بچه ها را می شناسد. یک روز صدا می زند: فلانی! اگر از این کلاه ها یک تا اضافه پیدا شد، من آن را کار دارم.
سرخوش یکی از هنرمندان محبوب افغانستان است
شب ها چیزی در خیالاتش سرگردان است، چیزی جدا از عقربه های ساعت. چندی نمی گذرد که یکی از بچه ها برایش از همان کلاه های کارگران معدن را می آورد. چشم هایش از دیدن آن می درخشد. می داند فردا کجا باید برود. می رود به دکانی که از آن همیشه سودا می خرد. این بار بر خلاف همیشه مقابل یک صندوق خالی چای خشک می ایستد. دکاندار که سکوت او را می بیند، می پرسد که چه می خواهد. این بار خواهش عجیبی دارد. از دکاندار می خواهد برایش یکی از تخته های صندوق خالی چای را بدهد. دکاندار که شاید خودش هم صاحب فرزندانی است بدون این که از او چیزی بپرسد، یک تخته را از صندوق جدا کرده برایش می دهد. شب با برادرزاده و پسر کاکای خود یکجا تلاش می کنند با استفاده از این تخته چوب و آن کلاه پلاستیکی، چیزی بسازند که پیش از این شاید به این صورت کسی آن را نساخته باشد. از ساختن که فارغ می شود، خنده اش می گیرد. می بیند به هر چه شباهت دارد جز به یک آلۀ موسیقی، آنچه که او در صدد ساختنش بوده است. اما او آن را دمبوره می نامد. آرزوی داشتن دمبوره، نوجوان دوازده ساله را آرام نمی گذاشت. با خود می گوید: "به نظر من رفیق خود را یافته ام".
.از همین جا دمبوره همراه و همکار همیشگی سفر و حضر او می شود.
کوئٹہ میں فائرنگ، تین ہزارہ ہلاک
آخری وقت اشاعت: منگل 6 نومبر 2012 , 15:10 GMT 20:10 PST
گذشتہ کچھ عرصے سے ہزارہ قبیلے کے افراد پر حملوں میں اضافہ ہوا ہے۔
پاکستان کے صوبہ بلوچستان کے دارالحکومت کوئٹہ میں فرقہ وارانہ ٹارگٹ کلنگ کا ایک اور واقعہ پیش آیا ہے جس میں تین افراد ہلاک اور دو زخمی ہوگئے ہیں۔
یہ واقعہ منگل کو کوئٹہ شہر کے علاقے اسپنی روڈ پر پیش آیا۔
پولیس کے مطابق پانچ افراد ایک ٹیکسی میں شہر سے ہزارہ ٹاؤن کی جانب جا رہے تھے کہ نامعلوم موٹر سائیکل سواروں نے ٹیکسی پر اندھا دھند فائرنگ کر دی۔ گولیاں لگنے سے ٹیکسی میں سوار تین افراد ہلاک جبکہ دو زخمی ہوگئے۔
حملہ آور موقع سے فرار ہونے میں کامیاب ہوگئے جبکہ زخمیوں اور ہلاک ہونے والوں کی لاشوں کو بولان میڈیکل کمپلیکس ہسپتال منتقل کیا گیا۔
پولیس کے مطابق ہلاک اور زخمی ہونے والے افراد کا تعلق ہزارہ قبیلے سے ہے۔
بلوچستان میں ہزارہ قبیلے کے لوگوں کا تعلق شیعہ فرقے سے ہے۔
پولیس کا کہنا ہے کہ واقعے تحقیقات شروع کر دی گئی ہیں لیکن یہ فرقہ وارانہ ٹارگٹ کلنگ کا ایک واقع ہے۔
کوئٹہ اور بلوچستان کے دیگر علاقوں میں سنہ دو ہزار کے بعد بڑی تعداد میں لوگ فرقہ وارانہ تشدد میں ہلا ک اور زخمی ہوئے ہیں جن میں سے سے زیادہ تر کا تعلق ہزارہ قبیلے سے ہے۔
بلوچستان کی قوم پرست جماعت ہزارہ ڈیموکریٹک پارٹی کے اعداد و شمار کے مطابق اب تک قبیلے کے سات سو سے زائد
افراد فرقہ وارانہ ٹارگٹ کلنگ کے واقعات میں ہلاک ہوئے ہیں۔
In the shadow of violence, Quetta’s divides multiply
By Matthew Green
NOVEMBER 6, 2012
Persecution can bring people together. It can also prise them apart.
In Pakistan, so many minorities are threatened by homicidal extremists that travelling the country can feel like hopping across an archipelago of communities under varying degrees of siege.
NOVEMBER 6, 2012
Persecution can bring people together. It can also prise them apart.
In Pakistan, so many minorities are threatened by homicidal extremists that travelling the country can feel like hopping across an archipelago of communities under varying degrees of siege.
Rarely is the impression stronger than in Quetta, the fear-filled capital of Baluchistan province, and a cauldron of the bigotry and intolerance that has poisoned so much of Pakistan’s body politic.
A wave of killings unleashed on the Hazara community has left its 500,000 members afraid to venture out of their enclaves in the east and west of the city. At least 100 have been killed in Quetta and its environs since January. Nobody has been prosecuted.
Hazaras blame Lashkar-e-Jhangvi , a Sunni militant group, for the killings. The group has stepped up its campaign against Pakistan’s Shi’ite minority this year, spreading fear from hamlets in the foothills of the Himalayas to the backstreets of Karachi. The Hazaras of Quetta, who are Shi’ites, have suffered the heaviest losses.
From one perspective, the persecution has undoubtedly reinforced a sense of Hazara unity by distributing a shared burden of grief. On another level, the pressure appears to have cracked fault-lines that long pre-date the start of the killings in 1999.
In broad terms, the division is between what might be termed Hazara “nationalists”, who draw strength primarily from their ethnic identity, and those for whom their Shi’ite faith is primary.
As is often the case in Pakistan, mutterings about a foreign hand are never far from the discussion. In the eyes of Hazara nationalists, the escalating campaign of violence has bolstered the position of clerics who turn for guidance to Iran, the spiritual centre of Shi’ite Islam. Religious groups say concerns about Iranian influence are wildly exaggerated and point out that their members are as staunchly patriotic as any Pakistanis.
A wave of killings unleashed on the Hazara community has left its 500,000 members afraid to venture out of their enclaves in the east and west of the city. At least 100 have been killed in Quetta and its environs since January. Nobody has been prosecuted.
Hazaras blame Lashkar-e-Jhangvi , a Sunni militant group, for the killings. The group has stepped up its campaign against Pakistan’s Shi’ite minority this year, spreading fear from hamlets in the foothills of the Himalayas to the backstreets of Karachi. The Hazaras of Quetta, who are Shi’ites, have suffered the heaviest losses.
From one perspective, the persecution has undoubtedly reinforced a sense of Hazara unity by distributing a shared burden of grief. On another level, the pressure appears to have cracked fault-lines that long pre-date the start of the killings in 1999.
In broad terms, the division is between what might be termed Hazara “nationalists”, who draw strength primarily from their ethnic identity, and those for whom their Shi’ite faith is primary.
As is often the case in Pakistan, mutterings about a foreign hand are never far from the discussion. In the eyes of Hazara nationalists, the escalating campaign of violence has bolstered the position of clerics who turn for guidance to Iran, the spiritual centre of Shi’ite Islam. Religious groups say concerns about Iranian influence are wildly exaggerated and point out that their members are as staunchly patriotic as any Pakistanis.
Though examining the Hazara sub-division might sound like an unusually pedantic exercise, it is worth placing under the microscope because it mirrors a broader trend. A creeping sense of insecurity engulfing much of Pakistan has spurred a proliferation of ethnic, sectarian or regionally-oriented groups. Such organisations offer their members a greater sense of belonging than the state, which in many places provides little in the way of protection, jobs or even reliable electricity.
The story is not new: Pakistan’s elite has struggled to rally a consensus around a shared set of values since the country’s creation as a Muslim homeland in 1947. But these days, the void seems more dangerous than ever. Pakistan seems to lose a little more cohesion with each new sectarian or politically-instigated murder.
In Quetta, the splintering is stark. Hazaras emigrated to Baluchistan to escape a previous round of persecution in Afghanistan in the 19th century. They pride themselves on their record of building businesses, performing in the civil service and military and running well-appointed schools. Now, they are not only facing a new bout of victimisation, but struggling with internal rifts.
It is difficult to gauge the true extent of Iranian influence in Quetta, but Hazara nationalists are sure it is slowly growing. For example, the nationalists say that Iranian-inspired Quds Day rallies, held to protest Israel’s annexation and occupation of east Jerusalem, have become more prominent. A few years ago, a new sign was put up at a Hazara cemetery bearing the name Behesht-e-Zainab after Zainab, the grand-daughter of the Prophet Mohammad, one of the most revered figures in Shi’ite Islam. The name is reminiscent of the Behesht-e-Zahra, a well-known graveyard in Tehran.
One source said that clerics at Ashura festivals, one of the holiest events in the Shi’ite calendar, have increasingly offered Hazaras solace by emphasising a transnational sense of Shi’ite identity – an implicit appeal to solidarity with Iran.
A legal battle over the name of a mosque in Quetta symbolises the divide. In September, more nationalist-oriented Hazaras filed a law suit demanding the word “Hazara” be included in the name. The mosque is run by the Shia Conference, a Shi’ite group which manages dozens of mosques in Baluchistan. The dispute turns on whether the word “Hazara” is part of the rightful title.
The story is not new: Pakistan’s elite has struggled to rally a consensus around a shared set of values since the country’s creation as a Muslim homeland in 1947. But these days, the void seems more dangerous than ever. Pakistan seems to lose a little more cohesion with each new sectarian or politically-instigated murder.
In Quetta, the splintering is stark. Hazaras emigrated to Baluchistan to escape a previous round of persecution in Afghanistan in the 19th century. They pride themselves on their record of building businesses, performing in the civil service and military and running well-appointed schools. Now, they are not only facing a new bout of victimisation, but struggling with internal rifts.
It is difficult to gauge the true extent of Iranian influence in Quetta, but Hazara nationalists are sure it is slowly growing. For example, the nationalists say that Iranian-inspired Quds Day rallies, held to protest Israel’s annexation and occupation of east Jerusalem, have become more prominent. A few years ago, a new sign was put up at a Hazara cemetery bearing the name Behesht-e-Zainab after Zainab, the grand-daughter of the Prophet Mohammad, one of the most revered figures in Shi’ite Islam. The name is reminiscent of the Behesht-e-Zahra, a well-known graveyard in Tehran.
One source said that clerics at Ashura festivals, one of the holiest events in the Shi’ite calendar, have increasingly offered Hazaras solace by emphasising a transnational sense of Shi’ite identity – an implicit appeal to solidarity with Iran.
A legal battle over the name of a mosque in Quetta symbolises the divide. In September, more nationalist-oriented Hazaras filed a law suit demanding the word “Hazara” be included in the name. The mosque is run by the Shia Conference, a Shi’ite group which manages dozens of mosques in Baluchistan. The dispute turns on whether the word “Hazara” is part of the rightful title.
The Shia Conference is contesting the case. Although its leaders say most of the group’s members are Hazaras, they argue that the word “Hazara” was not included in the name when the mosque was founded in 1922. They stoutly deny the nationalists’ contention that Iran is seeking to influence their activities, stressing that loving your religion is perfectly compatible with loving your country.
(This is by no means the only controversy over nomenclature in Quetta. Even the name of the Hazara enclave on the eastern edge of the city is contested. Some Hazaras have taken to referring to the area as Mehrabad. The term rankles with ethnic Baloch in the city, who say the area should retain its existing name of Mariabad, after the Marri, a Baloch tribe who once predominated in the district).
The question of Iranian influence – whether real or imagined – is not an academic one for Hazaras. Conversations with several serving or former Pakistani military officers suggest that there are elements within the security forces who view all Shi’ites with suspicion, questioning their loyalty to the state. Hazaras fear that this hostility may make it easier for the uniformed forces of law and order to turn a blind eye when Sunni extremists such as LeJ add a few more Hazaras to their hit list. Certainly, the military has failed to stop LeJ’s rampage in Quetta. Hazaras are certain that this is because the officers are not really trying.
The remedy, of course, would be for Pakistan’s leaders to foster a greater sense of shared nationhood. The body count in Quetta shows they need to work harder.
(This is by no means the only controversy over nomenclature in Quetta. Even the name of the Hazara enclave on the eastern edge of the city is contested. Some Hazaras have taken to referring to the area as Mehrabad. The term rankles with ethnic Baloch in the city, who say the area should retain its existing name of Mariabad, after the Marri, a Baloch tribe who once predominated in the district).
The question of Iranian influence – whether real or imagined – is not an academic one for Hazaras. Conversations with several serving or former Pakistani military officers suggest that there are elements within the security forces who view all Shi’ites with suspicion, questioning their loyalty to the state. Hazaras fear that this hostility may make it easier for the uniformed forces of law and order to turn a blind eye when Sunni extremists such as LeJ add a few more Hazaras to their hit list. Certainly, the military has failed to stop LeJ’s rampage in Quetta. Hazaras are certain that this is because the officers are not really trying.
The remedy, of course, would be for Pakistan’s leaders to foster a greater sense of shared nationhood. The body count in Quetta shows they need to work harder.
3 killed, 2 injured in firing on Quetta cab
By Web Desk
Published: November 6, 2012
Unidentified gunmen open fire on a yellow cab carrying five passengers to Hazara Town. PHOTO: EXPRESS
Three people were killed and two others injured when unidentified gunmen opened fire at a yellow cab in the Spiny Road area of Quetta on Tuesday, reported Express News.
According to details, five men were going to Hazara Town in a cab when they were shot at. Sources say that it was an incident of target killing.
The injured were shifted to Bolan Medical Complex for treatment, but they are yet to be identified.
Police cordoned off the area after the incident and initiated a search operation.
Sectarian violence has been on the rise in Balochistan where several people, particularly Shias travelling for religious purposes, have been targeted.
Published: November 6, 2012
Unidentified gunmen open fire on a yellow cab carrying five passengers to Hazara Town. PHOTO: EXPRESS
Three people were killed and two others injured when unidentified gunmen opened fire at a yellow cab in the Spiny Road area of Quetta on Tuesday, reported Express News.
According to details, five men were going to Hazara Town in a cab when they were shot at. Sources say that it was an incident of target killing.
The injured were shifted to Bolan Medical Complex for treatment, but they are yet to be identified.
Police cordoned off the area after the incident and initiated a search operation.
Sectarian violence has been on the rise in Balochistan where several people, particularly Shias travelling for religious purposes, have been targeted.
Monday, November 5, 2012
Timeline: Persecution of religious minorities
DAWN.COM |
— File Photo
Religious persecution in Pakistan is not uncommon in Pakistan; however, year 2011 and 2012 witnessed marked increase in the attacks against minorities — especially Muslim minorities. According to a report published by Human Rights Watch, summarising the incidents related to human rights violation in Pakistan stated that 2011 was “disastrous for Pakistan” during which “religious minorities faced unprecedented insecurity and persecution in the country”. The seeds of religious disharmony were sown in the 1970s which initially targeted only Ahmadis, however, the scope of religious persecution widened greatly over the period of decades — led by fundamentalists elements in the society — and now includes people from Shia and Bohra communities other than Christians and Hindus.
Ironic as it may sound but the historical trend clearly signifies that Shias of Pakistan have been targeted more with Ahmadis closely trailing behind, followed by people professing other religions.
Dawn.com presents an exclusive timeline of all the major incidents entailing religious persecution witnessed in Pakistan..., Continue Reading...
— File Photo
Religious persecution in Pakistan is not uncommon in Pakistan; however, year 2011 and 2012 witnessed marked increase in the attacks against minorities — especially Muslim minorities. According to a report published by Human Rights Watch, summarising the incidents related to human rights violation in Pakistan stated that 2011 was “disastrous for Pakistan” during which “religious minorities faced unprecedented insecurity and persecution in the country”. The seeds of religious disharmony were sown in the 1970s which initially targeted only Ahmadis, however, the scope of religious persecution widened greatly over the period of decades — led by fundamentalists elements in the society — and now includes people from Shia and Bohra communities other than Christians and Hindus.
Ironic as it may sound but the historical trend clearly signifies that Shias of Pakistan have been targeted more with Ahmadis closely trailing behind, followed by people professing other religions.
Dawn.com presents an exclusive timeline of all the major incidents entailing religious persecution witnessed in Pakistan..., Continue Reading...
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