Tuesday, November 15, 2011
Govt defends forced return for Afghan asylum seeker
Sally Sara reported this story on Tuesday, November 15, 2011 08:06:00
TONY EASTLEY: Refugee advocates have condemned the Federal Government's decision to forcibly deport for the first time an Afghan asylum seeker back to Afghanistan.
Ismail Mirza Jan is scheduled to be deported on Saturday. The 26-year-old says his life will be in danger if he's sent to Kabul.
Afghanistan correspondent Sally Sara reports from the Afghan capital.
SALLY SARA: This will be the first deportation of an Afghan asylum seeker from Australian soil.
Ismail Mirza Jan is in high security at Villawood Immigration Detention Centre in Sydney.
Mr Jan told the ABC's Lateline program that he fears he will be killed if he returns and says the department should just send back his body instead.
ISMAIL MIRZA JAN: If you send me, you can send my dead body back to my country because either way I am dead.
SALLY SARA: Ismail Mirza Jan arrived in Australia in February 2010 on false travel documents. His previous claims for asylum had been rejected by the United Kingdom and Ireland. He left Afghanistan as a teenager in 2001.
Mr Jan will be sent to Kabul but he says he's never been there and doesn't have any relatives in the area.
ISMAIL MIRZA JAN: I don't know what to do actually. So it's days of helplessness.
SALLY SARA: Refugee advocates in Australia have condemned the decision to deport Mr Jan.
Ian Rintoul, spokesman for the Refugee Action Coalition, says sending asylum seekers back by force will put lives at risk.
IAN RINTOUL: It's going to be a terrible, terrible precedent if the Government thinks that this removal is going to be the basis for sending so many other people back. Like, we haven't seen a forced removal to Afghanistan yet in the history of the refugee detention process in Australia and I think it is going to create a huge amount of anxiety for the people who are presently in detention awaiting their fate.
SALLY SARA: Back in January this year Afghanistan, Australia and the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees signed a memorandum of understanding. At the time Immigration Minister, Chris Bowen stated clearly the deal would allow involuntary returns of asylum seekers who were not entitled to remain in Australia.
CHRIS BOWEN: Never before today has there been an involuntary return from Australia to Afghanistan so this underlines the importance of today. Without today's agreement it would be impossible to contemplate involuntary repatriation to Afghanistan.
SALLY SARA: Commissioner of the Afghanistan Independent Human Rights Commission, Mohammad Farid Hamidi, says Australia should stop its plans for involuntary returns.
MOHAMMAD FARID HAMIDI: If a government or a state deports those Afghans they have a real problem in their own country. I think it is against all the international standards and international instruments which is providing support and protection for the refugees.
SALLY SARA: Ismail Mirza Jan is scheduled to arrive in Kabul on Sunday. Refugee advocates in Australia are trying any final legal avenues to delay or stop the deportation.
This is Sally Sara in Kabul for AM.
ABC
TONY EASTLEY: Refugee advocates have condemned the Federal Government's decision to forcibly deport for the first time an Afghan asylum seeker back to Afghanistan.
Ismail Mirza Jan is scheduled to be deported on Saturday. The 26-year-old says his life will be in danger if he's sent to Kabul.
Afghanistan correspondent Sally Sara reports from the Afghan capital.
SALLY SARA: This will be the first deportation of an Afghan asylum seeker from Australian soil.
Ismail Mirza Jan is in high security at Villawood Immigration Detention Centre in Sydney.
Mr Jan told the ABC's Lateline program that he fears he will be killed if he returns and says the department should just send back his body instead.
ISMAIL MIRZA JAN: If you send me, you can send my dead body back to my country because either way I am dead.
SALLY SARA: Ismail Mirza Jan arrived in Australia in February 2010 on false travel documents. His previous claims for asylum had been rejected by the United Kingdom and Ireland. He left Afghanistan as a teenager in 2001.
Mr Jan will be sent to Kabul but he says he's never been there and doesn't have any relatives in the area.
ISMAIL MIRZA JAN: I don't know what to do actually. So it's days of helplessness.
SALLY SARA: Refugee advocates in Australia have condemned the decision to deport Mr Jan.
Ian Rintoul, spokesman for the Refugee Action Coalition, says sending asylum seekers back by force will put lives at risk.
IAN RINTOUL: It's going to be a terrible, terrible precedent if the Government thinks that this removal is going to be the basis for sending so many other people back. Like, we haven't seen a forced removal to Afghanistan yet in the history of the refugee detention process in Australia and I think it is going to create a huge amount of anxiety for the people who are presently in detention awaiting their fate.
SALLY SARA: Back in January this year Afghanistan, Australia and the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees signed a memorandum of understanding. At the time Immigration Minister, Chris Bowen stated clearly the deal would allow involuntary returns of asylum seekers who were not entitled to remain in Australia.
CHRIS BOWEN: Never before today has there been an involuntary return from Australia to Afghanistan so this underlines the importance of today. Without today's agreement it would be impossible to contemplate involuntary repatriation to Afghanistan.
SALLY SARA: Commissioner of the Afghanistan Independent Human Rights Commission, Mohammad Farid Hamidi, says Australia should stop its plans for involuntary returns.
MOHAMMAD FARID HAMIDI: If a government or a state deports those Afghans they have a real problem in their own country. I think it is against all the international standards and international instruments which is providing support and protection for the refugees.
SALLY SARA: Ismail Mirza Jan is scheduled to arrive in Kabul on Sunday. Refugee advocates in Australia are trying any final legal avenues to delay or stop the deportation.
This is Sally Sara in Kabul for AM.
ABC
Washington Post; Australia to forcibly deport 1st failed Afghan asylum seeker under new agreement with Kabul
By Associated Press, Published: November 14 | Updated: Tuesday, November 15, 1:16 AM
CANBERRA, Australia — Australia will for the first time forcibly deport an Afghan asylum seeker whose application for protection was rejected, the government said Tuesday.
Refugee advocates have condemned the decision, saying those deported face persecution
Ismail Mirza Jan is to be deported Saturday from Sydney’s Villawood Immigration Detention Center to Afghanistan under a new agreement with Kabul, Immigration Minister Chris Bowen said in a statement. Jan had argued that as an ethnic Hazara, he faced death at home, but Australian immigration authorities have determined that he could return to Afghanistan safely.
Afghanistan is the main source of a growing number of asylum seekers who travel to Australia by boat, adding political pressure on the Australian government to deter new arrivals.
It is not clear how many other Afghan asylum seekers Australia could force to return home. But at the end of June, 1,055 Afghans were in Australian detention centers fighting decisions that deny them refugee visas.
Bowen said an agreement reached with Kabul in January stipulates that Afghanistan will readmit any national not entitled to Australian protection. Afghanistan has previously refused to accept Afghans who would not return voluntarily.
“It’s a fundamental part of our immigration system that if people are found not to be genuine refugees, that they should be removed,” Bowen said.
Jan left Afghanistan as a teenager and said he no longer has family there. He told Australian Broadcasting Corp. that he would die if sent to Kabul.
“I told immigration, ‘It’s OK — if you send me, you can send my dead body to my country because either way, I am dead,’” the 27-year-old told ABC in an interview broadcast late Monday.
The Hazara were persecuted when the Taliban ruled Afghanistan, but their standing has improved since the war began. Many are active in the business world and several hold government positions, including one of Afghanistan’s vice presidents.
Ian Rintoul, spokesman for the Australian advocacy group Refugee Action Coalition, said Jan flew into Australia last year on a fake Turkish passport and failed to tell Australian authorities that Britain and Ireland had previously rejected his asylum claims.
Australia did not reject his claims due to dishonesty but because authorities did not believe he would be persecuted in Afghanistan, Rintoul said.
“His deportation sets a dangerous precedent and we’re hoping that Afghanistan won’t accept him,” Rintoul said.
The Australian government won’t release details of Jan’s case, citing privacy concerns.
Afghan Ambassador to Australia Nasir Ahmad Andisha declined to comment Tuesday.
Afghanistan Independent Human Rights Commissioner Mohammad Farid Hamidi urged the Australian government to review Jan’s case.
“The situation in Afghanistan is not good enough,” Hamidi told ABC. “The security is getting worse day by day.”
Phil Glendenning, director of Sydney-based human rights group Edmund Rice Center, said his research found that at least 11 failed asylum seekers who returned voluntarily to Afghanistan from Australia in the past seven years were killed, including some Hazaras. He suspected the true figure was higher.
“We have very serious concerns about the safety of Hazaras in Afghanistan,” Glendenning said. “I think it’s deteriorating.”
Washington Post
CANBERRA, Australia — Australia will for the first time forcibly deport an Afghan asylum seeker whose application for protection was rejected, the government said Tuesday.
Refugee advocates have condemned the decision, saying those deported face persecution
Ismail Mirza Jan is to be deported Saturday from Sydney’s Villawood Immigration Detention Center to Afghanistan under a new agreement with Kabul, Immigration Minister Chris Bowen said in a statement. Jan had argued that as an ethnic Hazara, he faced death at home, but Australian immigration authorities have determined that he could return to Afghanistan safely.
Afghanistan is the main source of a growing number of asylum seekers who travel to Australia by boat, adding political pressure on the Australian government to deter new arrivals.
It is not clear how many other Afghan asylum seekers Australia could force to return home. But at the end of June, 1,055 Afghans were in Australian detention centers fighting decisions that deny them refugee visas.
Bowen said an agreement reached with Kabul in January stipulates that Afghanistan will readmit any national not entitled to Australian protection. Afghanistan has previously refused to accept Afghans who would not return voluntarily.
“It’s a fundamental part of our immigration system that if people are found not to be genuine refugees, that they should be removed,” Bowen said.
Jan left Afghanistan as a teenager and said he no longer has family there. He told Australian Broadcasting Corp. that he would die if sent to Kabul.
“I told immigration, ‘It’s OK — if you send me, you can send my dead body to my country because either way, I am dead,’” the 27-year-old told ABC in an interview broadcast late Monday.
The Hazara were persecuted when the Taliban ruled Afghanistan, but their standing has improved since the war began. Many are active in the business world and several hold government positions, including one of Afghanistan’s vice presidents.
Ian Rintoul, spokesman for the Australian advocacy group Refugee Action Coalition, said Jan flew into Australia last year on a fake Turkish passport and failed to tell Australian authorities that Britain and Ireland had previously rejected his asylum claims.
Australia did not reject his claims due to dishonesty but because authorities did not believe he would be persecuted in Afghanistan, Rintoul said.
“His deportation sets a dangerous precedent and we’re hoping that Afghanistan won’t accept him,” Rintoul said.
The Australian government won’t release details of Jan’s case, citing privacy concerns.
Afghan Ambassador to Australia Nasir Ahmad Andisha declined to comment Tuesday.
Afghanistan Independent Human Rights Commissioner Mohammad Farid Hamidi urged the Australian government to review Jan’s case.
“The situation in Afghanistan is not good enough,” Hamidi told ABC. “The security is getting worse day by day.”
Phil Glendenning, director of Sydney-based human rights group Edmund Rice Center, said his research found that at least 11 failed asylum seekers who returned voluntarily to Afghanistan from Australia in the past seven years were killed, including some Hazaras. He suspected the true figure was higher.
“We have very serious concerns about the safety of Hazaras in Afghanistan,” Glendenning said. “I think it’s deteriorating.”
Washington Post
A Hazara about to be deported to danger
15 NOVEMBER 2011
ABDUL KARIM HEKMAT
Ismail Mirza Jan, a 27-year-old Hazara asylum seeker, is about to be forcefully deported this Saturday to Kabul.
He has spent nearly two years in the Villawood Detention Centre. His refugee appeal application has been rejected. He was told by the Immigration Department that it was safe for him to return to Kabul, Afghanistan. Fearing for his life, he said, "I can't go back to Afghanistan and [it's] better to die here than to be killed in Afghanistan. Then they should send my dead body."
It is the first case of deportation under the memorandum of understanding (MOU) signed between the Australian and Afghan governments in January 2011. The agreement allows the forced repatriation of Afghan refugees "judged not to be in need of international protection". Currently, over 730 Hazara asylum seekers have been rejected in Australian detention centres and will be deported if judicial appeals are exhausted. At the time the MOU was signed, the Australian Government argued that Afghanistan had become safer, including for the Hazaras.
The evidence shows the contrary. Afghanistan's security situation has gradually worsened over the past few years. According to the United Nations, the first six months of 2011 have been the deadliest months since the Taliban was ousted. The month of August in 2011 has been the worst month in terms of the average monthly incidents of violence (2,108), 39 per cent up compared to the same period in 2010. A recent UN report suggests that "the focus of suicide attacks was no longer southern Afghanistan, the central region currently accounting for 21 per cent of such attacks".
Attacks by the Taliban and other insurgent groups have intensified, and so have Afghan and NATO counter-attacks, producing a mounting civilian and combatant death toll. One only has to look at the recent Australian causalities. In a period of over two weeks three Australian soldiers have been killed and 10 wounded by both sides - by the Taliban and Afghan soldiers. So far the coalition military fatalities stand at about 2,800, including 32 Australians.
The Taliban and insurgent groups target government officials, civil servants, teachers, journalists and anyone who is seen to be supporting the government and foreign forces. Like all Afghans, Hazaras live in a volatile, rapidly changing and dangerous environment.
My own research on the situation of Hazaras on the ground in Afghanistan and Pakistan last year shows the opposite to the government's advice that Hazaras are safe.
Hazaras suffered enormously under the Taliban rule. The Taliban branded the Hazaras, who are Shiite, not Sunni Muslims like them, "infidels". They said that "Hazaras [are] not Muslim. You can kill them, it is not a sin." Australians may be far more aware of the destruction of Buddha statues in 2001 by the Taliban rather the massacres of its people - the Hazaras. Thousands were killed in the town of Bamiyan and surrounding valleys between 1998 and 2001. For this reason, Hazaras were the first to support the overthrow of the Taliban in 2001 by Coalition forces and to back the new government and democratic process in the post-Taliban period.
In the post-Taliban period, the Hazara situation has improved in some respects; many participate in social, civic, political and social life and many Hazaras go to schools and universities, hold government jobs, or work for non-government organisations or the International Security Assistance Force (ISAF).
Many Hazaras I spoke to believe these improvements depend on the presence of the international community in Afghanistan. If the ISAF were to withdraw, many believe the situation would deteriorate for Hazaras. Discrimination against Hazaras is entrenched in Afghan culture, government departments and educational institutions, and many Hazaras stated they were treated as inferior and second-class citizens.
In 2010 Hazaras became politically marginalised in the Afghan government as Hazara nominees for ministerial posts failed to achieve the required vote of affirmation on three occasions in the Afghan parliament. Thus there is no Hazara minister represented in the current Karzai government, only acting ministers.
Under the Karzai administration, Hazara areas are receiving little benefit from the international aid to Afghanistan. In Bamiyan, and many other Hazara areas, there has been minimal reconstruction; local people blame this on the prejudices of the Afghan government against the Hazaras.
Hazaras remained prone to attacks by Kuchi in the central highlands in Behsud and Daimirdad districts, which is part of Maidan Wardak. Since 2004, the Kuchis, mainly Pashtun pastoralists, have attacked Hazara areas, killing and injuring tens of people, burning down their houses, destroying their harvests, and forcibly displacing thousands of people. The Afghan government has failed to protect Hazaras against the Kuchi attacks, and its inaction appears to have encouraged Kuchi incursions in the central highlands, which are believed to be supported by the Taliban. The man about to be deported is from Behsud.
Yet, the worst threats come from the Taliban. The increased Taliban activities in Afghanistan pose serious threats to the lives, security and freedom of Hazaras. They still live in fear of persecution from the Taliban and dread their returns. Most of the Hazara areas are sandwiched between areas controlled by the Taliban and are subject to constant searches, arrests, and attacks by the Taliban. In June 2011, in a particularly gruesome attack, nine Hazaras were beheaded in Uruzgan, revealing an ethnic motive behind the killings.
For many Hazaras in Pakistan, whether they be refugees or citizens, life has become increasingly dangerous. Hazaras in Quetta, in western Pakistan, are now under unprecedented terrorist attacks by a banned organisation, Lashkar-e-Jangavi, which is affiliated with the Taliban and Al Qaeda. Since 2003 nearly 500 Hazaras have been killed and over 1,500 injured as a result of targeted killing. The terrorist group specifically targets the Hazaras and pick them out from the non-Hazara population and kill them.
The government of Pakistan, in particular, the local government, does not protect the Hazara population or punish the perpetrators. In fact, some elements within the Pakistan government are seen to collaborate with and support the terrorists as they do in Afghanistan.
In light of the deteriorating security situation for Hazaras in Afghanistan and Pakistan, the Australian Government must halt its plans to send Hazaras back to danger.
Abdul Karim Hekmat is a long-time researcher on Hazaras and is the author of Unsafe Haven: Hazaras In Afghanistan And Pakistan.
ABC
ABDUL KARIM HEKMAT
He has spent nearly two years in the Villawood Detention Centre. His refugee appeal application has been rejected. He was told by the Immigration Department that it was safe for him to return to Kabul, Afghanistan. Fearing for his life, he said, "I can't go back to Afghanistan and [it's] better to die here than to be killed in Afghanistan. Then they should send my dead body."
It is the first case of deportation under the memorandum of understanding (MOU) signed between the Australian and Afghan governments in January 2011. The agreement allows the forced repatriation of Afghan refugees "judged not to be in need of international protection". Currently, over 730 Hazara asylum seekers have been rejected in Australian detention centres and will be deported if judicial appeals are exhausted. At the time the MOU was signed, the Australian Government argued that Afghanistan had become safer, including for the Hazaras.
The evidence shows the contrary. Afghanistan's security situation has gradually worsened over the past few years. According to the United Nations, the first six months of 2011 have been the deadliest months since the Taliban was ousted. The month of August in 2011 has been the worst month in terms of the average monthly incidents of violence (2,108), 39 per cent up compared to the same period in 2010. A recent UN report suggests that "the focus of suicide attacks was no longer southern Afghanistan, the central region currently accounting for 21 per cent of such attacks".
Attacks by the Taliban and other insurgent groups have intensified, and so have Afghan and NATO counter-attacks, producing a mounting civilian and combatant death toll. One only has to look at the recent Australian causalities. In a period of over two weeks three Australian soldiers have been killed and 10 wounded by both sides - by the Taliban and Afghan soldiers. So far the coalition military fatalities stand at about 2,800, including 32 Australians.
The Taliban and insurgent groups target government officials, civil servants, teachers, journalists and anyone who is seen to be supporting the government and foreign forces. Like all Afghans, Hazaras live in a volatile, rapidly changing and dangerous environment.
My own research on the situation of Hazaras on the ground in Afghanistan and Pakistan last year shows the opposite to the government's advice that Hazaras are safe.
Hazaras suffered enormously under the Taliban rule. The Taliban branded the Hazaras, who are Shiite, not Sunni Muslims like them, "infidels". They said that "Hazaras [are] not Muslim. You can kill them, it is not a sin." Australians may be far more aware of the destruction of Buddha statues in 2001 by the Taliban rather the massacres of its people - the Hazaras. Thousands were killed in the town of Bamiyan and surrounding valleys between 1998 and 2001. For this reason, Hazaras were the first to support the overthrow of the Taliban in 2001 by Coalition forces and to back the new government and democratic process in the post-Taliban period.
In the post-Taliban period, the Hazara situation has improved in some respects; many participate in social, civic, political and social life and many Hazaras go to schools and universities, hold government jobs, or work for non-government organisations or the International Security Assistance Force (ISAF).
Many Hazaras I spoke to believe these improvements depend on the presence of the international community in Afghanistan. If the ISAF were to withdraw, many believe the situation would deteriorate for Hazaras. Discrimination against Hazaras is entrenched in Afghan culture, government departments and educational institutions, and many Hazaras stated they were treated as inferior and second-class citizens.
In 2010 Hazaras became politically marginalised in the Afghan government as Hazara nominees for ministerial posts failed to achieve the required vote of affirmation on three occasions in the Afghan parliament. Thus there is no Hazara minister represented in the current Karzai government, only acting ministers.
Under the Karzai administration, Hazara areas are receiving little benefit from the international aid to Afghanistan. In Bamiyan, and many other Hazara areas, there has been minimal reconstruction; local people blame this on the prejudices of the Afghan government against the Hazaras.
Hazaras remained prone to attacks by Kuchi in the central highlands in Behsud and Daimirdad districts, which is part of Maidan Wardak. Since 2004, the Kuchis, mainly Pashtun pastoralists, have attacked Hazara areas, killing and injuring tens of people, burning down their houses, destroying their harvests, and forcibly displacing thousands of people. The Afghan government has failed to protect Hazaras against the Kuchi attacks, and its inaction appears to have encouraged Kuchi incursions in the central highlands, which are believed to be supported by the Taliban. The man about to be deported is from Behsud.
Yet, the worst threats come from the Taliban. The increased Taliban activities in Afghanistan pose serious threats to the lives, security and freedom of Hazaras. They still live in fear of persecution from the Taliban and dread their returns. Most of the Hazara areas are sandwiched between areas controlled by the Taliban and are subject to constant searches, arrests, and attacks by the Taliban. In June 2011, in a particularly gruesome attack, nine Hazaras were beheaded in Uruzgan, revealing an ethnic motive behind the killings.
For many Hazaras in Pakistan, whether they be refugees or citizens, life has become increasingly dangerous. Hazaras in Quetta, in western Pakistan, are now under unprecedented terrorist attacks by a banned organisation, Lashkar-e-Jangavi, which is affiliated with the Taliban and Al Qaeda. Since 2003 nearly 500 Hazaras have been killed and over 1,500 injured as a result of targeted killing. The terrorist group specifically targets the Hazaras and pick them out from the non-Hazara population and kill them.
The government of Pakistan, in particular, the local government, does not protect the Hazara population or punish the perpetrators. In fact, some elements within the Pakistan government are seen to collaborate with and support the terrorists as they do in Afghanistan.
In light of the deteriorating security situation for Hazaras in Afghanistan and Pakistan, the Australian Government must halt its plans to send Hazaras back to danger.
Abdul Karim Hekmat is a long-time researcher on Hazaras and is the author of Unsafe Haven: Hazaras In Afghanistan And Pakistan.
ABC
Call to end Hazara killings
our correspondent
Monday, November 14, 2011
LONDON: International Imam Hussain Council (IIHC) organised Hazara conference at Al-Khoei Foundation to reflect on the plight of Hazara tribe and their future in the context of their right to religious freedom, citizenship and more importantly life without fear.
People came in hundreds from across Europe to take part in the conference. Audience constituted of prominent politicians, philanthropists, human rights campaigners, and notables from the Hazara tribe. The speakers at the conference voiced concerns over the “massacre of peace loving Hazaras”. They expressed concern over the denial of fundamental rights to be able to live without fear.
The conference was addressed by Lord Avebury, veteran human rights activist, Rubab Mehdi Rizvi, chairperson, International Imam Hussain Council, Yousif Al-Khoei, Haji Marzooq Ali, Hazara leader, Liaquat Ali Hazara, human rights activist, Dr Ali Alawi, Professor Harvard University, Murtaza Poya of Amnesty International and Azizullah Royesh, human rights activist.
The panelists included Sadiq Noyan, information secretary of Hazara Organisation UK, Hafiz Khurram, Hazara Progressive Alliance, Mokhtar Ali, secretary general of Afghani Community of Milton Keynes and Ali Hakimi, Hazara Progressive Alliances. Lord Avebury condemned the killing of Hazaras and urged the international community to take notice of the issue.
THE NEWS
Monday, November 14, 2011
LONDON: International Imam Hussain Council (IIHC) organised Hazara conference at Al-Khoei Foundation to reflect on the plight of Hazara tribe and their future in the context of their right to religious freedom, citizenship and more importantly life without fear.
People came in hundreds from across Europe to take part in the conference. Audience constituted of prominent politicians, philanthropists, human rights campaigners, and notables from the Hazara tribe. The speakers at the conference voiced concerns over the “massacre of peace loving Hazaras”. They expressed concern over the denial of fundamental rights to be able to live without fear.
The conference was addressed by Lord Avebury, veteran human rights activist, Rubab Mehdi Rizvi, chairperson, International Imam Hussain Council, Yousif Al-Khoei, Haji Marzooq Ali, Hazara leader, Liaquat Ali Hazara, human rights activist, Dr Ali Alawi, Professor Harvard University, Murtaza Poya of Amnesty International and Azizullah Royesh, human rights activist.
The panelists included Sadiq Noyan, information secretary of Hazara Organisation UK, Hafiz Khurram, Hazara Progressive Alliance, Mokhtar Ali, secretary general of Afghani Community of Milton Keynes and Ali Hakimi, Hazara Progressive Alliances. Lord Avebury condemned the killing of Hazaras and urged the international community to take notice of the issue.
THE NEWS
Monday, November 14, 2011
محقق مرد اندیشه، مارشال به فکر طبیله
چهارشنبه ۱۸ آبان ۱۳۹۰ ساعت ۲۱:۵۳
راز الدین پنجشیری
افغانستان در حال حاضر بدترین شرایط سیاسی نظامی، اجتماعی خود را تجربه میکند سالهاست که بخشی از سرشت این کشور با جنگ و نا امنی و در یک کلمه با بحران های متعدد سیاسی، اجتماعی فرهنگی عجین شده است. یکی از معضلات درونی این کشور را ساختار های قبیلوی و بدوی تشکیل داده که درطول تاریخ جبراً و قهراً منحیث یک سنت ملی سراسری بالای مردم تحمیل شده است.
معضل ساختار قبیلوی علت عمده ای بوده برای زایش یک معلول دیگر که کشور تا حال از نبود آن رنج میبرد. ساختار های به شدت قبیلوی عامل آن شده تا محوریت واحد ویک رهبری مقدر و نظامند را برای همیش از این کشور منتفی نماید.
کثرت اقوم در کنار جهل و فقر عامل فوق العاده موثر در تداوم بحرانهای متعدد تاریخی اجتماعی سیاسی کشور بوده است. برتری جوی ها، خودکامه گی های یک قوم علیه اقوام دیگر عاملی بوده برای شکاف عمیق اجتماعی فرهنگی سیاسی که در طول تاریخ سیصد ساله به نحوی تحت عنوان حفظ وحدت ملی برای تداوم مطلقه گرایی حفظ شده است. برتری جوی های یک قوم بر سایر اقوام در طی سه قرن فضای ازخود بیگانگی عدم اعتماد به نفس را در سایر اقوام چنان پررنگ کرده است که بسیار ی ها چنان تصور میکنند که توانایی پیشبرد هیچ عملی را بدون محوریت اکثریت کاذب ندارند.
از این کلیشه گویی ها به اصل موضوع برگردیم . اخیرآ شاهد یک سخنرانی حاجی محمد محقق عضو مجلس نمایندگان بودم که از چند جهت برازندگی داشت.
اگر واقعیت را کتمان نکنیم در میان اقوام مختلف این سرزمین کسانیکه دارای یک برنامه منظم آموزشی، فرهنگی سیاسی اند قوم هزاره است. رهبران این قوم حضور شخص را در نظام(تاحد زیادی) به حضور یک بدنه ای از مردم مبدل کرده اند. آنها از امکانات بدست آمده در تعالی علم و فرهنگ استفاده شایان میکنند.
یادم هست درتلویزیون میدیدم که آقای محقق به یکی از مناطق هزاره جات رفته بودند و درمیان انبوی از جوانان که فاقد ساختمانی به نام مکتب بودند بالای زمین « چارزانو» زدند و خطاب به جوانان آن سرزمین فرمودند که « فراهم آوری امکانات بهداشتی، راهسازی و تشکیل واحد های اداری کا ما مسوولین، درس و علم آموختن کارشما جوانان نازنین»
این گفته های جناب محقق خیلی خوشم آمد که صاحب اندیشه و فکر بلند اند ودر صدد آن اند که جهل یگانه پدیده منفی و منحوس جامعه ما است که باید ریشه کن شود.
در عرصه های سیاسی هم شاهد آن بودم که جناب محقق سیاست های بسیار روشن و واضع در قبال قانون شکنی ها، سیاست های قبیله گرایانه، عفو جنایت کاران و.... دولت کرزی داشته اند.
این درحالیست که رهبران سایر اقوام به ویژه تاجیک ها در ساختار نظام کنونی بجای اینکه در فکر آمورش و پرورش جوانان،تروریج علم ودانش در میان این قوم بزرگ باشند، برعکس در فکر تحکیم قدرت خود برای ملیون ها دالر ثروت شخصی خود اند. بجای ساختن مکتب برای دانش آموزان، درفکر ساختن طبیله برای اسپ ها، مرکب ها، مرغ ها و...خود اند. ملیون ها دالر را در عیاشی اسپ دوانی خردوانی مصرف میکند در حالیکه اکثریت جوانان زادگاه شان بیسواد و معتاد به مواد مخدره اند و بعد از ده سال پدیده جهل و اعتیاد به مواد مخدر دارد به فرهنگ و یک سنت مبدل میشود. دها بلند منزل، مارکیت شهرک در داخل و خارج میسازند اما گوشه چشمی به وضیعت فلاکت بار تعلیم و تربیه پنجشیر ندارند.
آقای محقق مردانه بلند میشود از سیاست های قبیلوی از گرایش های قرون وسطایی نظام انتقاد میکند و مردم کشور به ویژه هزاره ها را آگاه میسازد که سیاست روز چیست دولت به کدام سمت روان است. اما مارشال صاحب کرزی قبیله گرا را که جرگه، قانون مجلس نماینده گان، عدالت و... همه و همه را مورد سوء استفاده قرارداده تقدیر میکنند.
سالها قبل شاهد بودم که جناب محقق از سیاست تضرع دولت در مقابل انتحارگران سخت انتقاد میکرد و میگفت که این راه به ترکستان است . سیاست تضرع دشمن را وحشی ترو انتحارگران را بی باک تر میسازد .
کسانیکه با درنظر داشت پایگاه قومی و زبانی خویش محوریت برای دیگران واقع میشدند، چنان در اوهام، تجمل پرستی، فساد، ثروت اندوزی، طبیله سازی، بودنه بازی اسپ دوانی مصرف اند که خیال میکنی هیچ درد مشترک با مردم ندارند. دیگران در فکر اعتلای کشور و مردم خود اند اما از ما در فکر آخور مرکب اسپ خود اند.
ای کاش ماهم فردی میداشتیم که درشرایط حاضر واقعا برای مردم خود حرف میزد از میان مردم و از دریچه مردم با آنها صحبت میکرد نه اینکه از صالون های مفشن و پرزرق و برق قصرها بلند منزل ها برای فریب اذهان عامه یک چند کلمه چرند بی محتوا را برضد دولت حواله میگرد اما درباطن بر همان میسر روان میبود.
من منحیث یک فردی که ساکن ولایت پنچشیر ام ودرد رنج مردم کشور و خاصتاً مردم زادگاهم را با گوشت و پوست احساس میکنم از وجود افرادی مانند مارشال، قانونی، احمد ضیاء و... شرم میکنم که درفکر زراندوزی، و معامله گری های سیاسی و شخصی اند. مردم را در درگروگان خود گرفته ودر شرایط خاص از آنها برای تقویت زر و زور و معامله گری های سیاسی خود سوء استفاده میکنن. زمانیکه پایه های قدرت و ثروت شان محکم شد مردم را به کلی فراموش میکنند و در فکر بلند منزل، مارکیت، طبیله سازی شهرک سازی میشوند.
ناکامی ها ضعف های ما در بخش های آموزشی، سیاسی، اجتماعی ناشی از عدم نبود یک مرد اندیشه و متعهد به آرمانهای مردم است. دیگران از فرصت طلایی پیش آمده به سود مردم خود استفاده میکنند اما مارشال صاحب در چوکی معاون ریس جمهور نشسته در فکر زراندوزی مارکیت سازی دام پروری باغ وحش سازی خود است.
ایشان مانند یک عده از مردم که خوش دارند به هروسیله ای که شده حتی با پول صد در صد حرام به حج بروند تامردم ایشان را «حاجی صاحب» صدا زنند، مارشال صاحب هم خوش اند که دررسانه ها به نام «مارشال» خطاب شوند و ازشیندن نام مارشال لذت ببرند. در حالیکه در این لذت کاذب میان تهی سراسر زلت زبونی خوابیده است که خودش از آن نیز بی خبر است.
من منحیث یک باشنده ولایت پنجشیر به محقق فخر میکنم که با مردم دروغ نمی گوید و صاف پوست کنده صحبت میکند و از وجود مارشال سخت شرمسارم که در اوضاع و احوال فوق العاده بحرانی و حساس کشور به طبیله می اندیشد و دنباله رو قبیله شده است. طبیله و قبیله فضای را برای این مرد بی لیاقت آماده ساخته که همه آرمان ها و آرزوهای مردم راقربانی طبیله اسپ های خود نماید و دنباله روسیاست قبیلوی کرزی باشد.
در وضیعت پیش آمده کنونی پشتون ها درفکر تخریت مکتب مدرسه آدمکشی و تخریت کشور اند، تاجک ها در گرداب جهل فقر و اعتیاد به مواد مخدره بسر میبرند دراین میان هزاره ها بیشترین استفاده را تصیب شده اند. همه در فکر آموختن علم و دانش اند. بیشترین جوانانی که برای تحصیل به هندوستان در رشته های حقوق، اقتصاد مصروف تحصیل اند از قوم هزاره اند. که بنده هم برای این جوانان و مسوولین این برنامه موفقیت بیشتر خواهانم.
فراخوانی که من برای مردم عذاب دیده به ویژه زادگاهم پنجشیر دارم این است که همه بزرگان با یک صدا نزد جناب مارشال رفته ایشان را متوجه مسوولیت عظیمی که دارند بسازند. این مرد را از دام طبیله و قبیله نجات دهند، فکر محدود آخور را از سرش دور کنند. حد اقل اگر به وسعت کشور نمی اندیشند به اندازه زادگاه خود فکر کنند که درد استخوان سوزجهل،بی کاری و اعتیاد به مواد مخدره گلوی تمام جوانان پنچیشر را میفشارد. عزت را نباید در پیشانی اسپ جستجو کرد این نهایت سخافت و کم عقلی یک سیاست مدار است .سیاست زده گی و ثروت زده گی نشان یک آدم متعهد و مسوول را از مارشال ستانده است. یگانه چیزی که میتواند احیاء کننده همه ارزش های متعالی یک مسوول دولتی باشد همان اتخاذ یک سیاست روشمند معقول، وایجاد زمینه های فرهنگ سازی و علم پروری در میان مردم است و بس.
Jawedan
راز الدین پنجشیری
افغانستان در حال حاضر بدترین شرایط سیاسی نظامی، اجتماعی خود را تجربه میکند سالهاست که بخشی از سرشت این کشور با جنگ و نا امنی و در یک کلمه با بحران های متعدد سیاسی، اجتماعی فرهنگی عجین شده است. یکی از معضلات درونی این کشور را ساختار های قبیلوی و بدوی تشکیل داده که درطول تاریخ جبراً و قهراً منحیث یک سنت ملی سراسری بالای مردم تحمیل شده است.
معضل ساختار قبیلوی علت عمده ای بوده برای زایش یک معلول دیگر که کشور تا حال از نبود آن رنج میبرد. ساختار های به شدت قبیلوی عامل آن شده تا محوریت واحد ویک رهبری مقدر و نظامند را برای همیش از این کشور منتفی نماید.
کثرت اقوم در کنار جهل و فقر عامل فوق العاده موثر در تداوم بحرانهای متعدد تاریخی اجتماعی سیاسی کشور بوده است. برتری جوی ها، خودکامه گی های یک قوم علیه اقوام دیگر عاملی بوده برای شکاف عمیق اجتماعی فرهنگی سیاسی که در طول تاریخ سیصد ساله به نحوی تحت عنوان حفظ وحدت ملی برای تداوم مطلقه گرایی حفظ شده است. برتری جوی های یک قوم بر سایر اقوام در طی سه قرن فضای ازخود بیگانگی عدم اعتماد به نفس را در سایر اقوام چنان پررنگ کرده است که بسیار ی ها چنان تصور میکنند که توانایی پیشبرد هیچ عملی را بدون محوریت اکثریت کاذب ندارند.
از این کلیشه گویی ها به اصل موضوع برگردیم . اخیرآ شاهد یک سخنرانی حاجی محمد محقق عضو مجلس نمایندگان بودم که از چند جهت برازندگی داشت.
اگر واقعیت را کتمان نکنیم در میان اقوام مختلف این سرزمین کسانیکه دارای یک برنامه منظم آموزشی، فرهنگی سیاسی اند قوم هزاره است. رهبران این قوم حضور شخص را در نظام(تاحد زیادی) به حضور یک بدنه ای از مردم مبدل کرده اند. آنها از امکانات بدست آمده در تعالی علم و فرهنگ استفاده شایان میکنند.
یادم هست درتلویزیون میدیدم که آقای محقق به یکی از مناطق هزاره جات رفته بودند و درمیان انبوی از جوانان که فاقد ساختمانی به نام مکتب بودند بالای زمین « چارزانو» زدند و خطاب به جوانان آن سرزمین فرمودند که « فراهم آوری امکانات بهداشتی، راهسازی و تشکیل واحد های اداری کا ما مسوولین، درس و علم آموختن کارشما جوانان نازنین»
این گفته های جناب محقق خیلی خوشم آمد که صاحب اندیشه و فکر بلند اند ودر صدد آن اند که جهل یگانه پدیده منفی و منحوس جامعه ما است که باید ریشه کن شود.
در عرصه های سیاسی هم شاهد آن بودم که جناب محقق سیاست های بسیار روشن و واضع در قبال قانون شکنی ها، سیاست های قبیله گرایانه، عفو جنایت کاران و.... دولت کرزی داشته اند.
این درحالیست که رهبران سایر اقوام به ویژه تاجیک ها در ساختار نظام کنونی بجای اینکه در فکر آمورش و پرورش جوانان،تروریج علم ودانش در میان این قوم بزرگ باشند، برعکس در فکر تحکیم قدرت خود برای ملیون ها دالر ثروت شخصی خود اند. بجای ساختن مکتب برای دانش آموزان، درفکر ساختن طبیله برای اسپ ها، مرکب ها، مرغ ها و...خود اند. ملیون ها دالر را در عیاشی اسپ دوانی خردوانی مصرف میکند در حالیکه اکثریت جوانان زادگاه شان بیسواد و معتاد به مواد مخدره اند و بعد از ده سال پدیده جهل و اعتیاد به مواد مخدر دارد به فرهنگ و یک سنت مبدل میشود. دها بلند منزل، مارکیت شهرک در داخل و خارج میسازند اما گوشه چشمی به وضیعت فلاکت بار تعلیم و تربیه پنجشیر ندارند.
آقای محقق مردانه بلند میشود از سیاست های قبیلوی از گرایش های قرون وسطایی نظام انتقاد میکند و مردم کشور به ویژه هزاره ها را آگاه میسازد که سیاست روز چیست دولت به کدام سمت روان است. اما مارشال صاحب کرزی قبیله گرا را که جرگه، قانون مجلس نماینده گان، عدالت و... همه و همه را مورد سوء استفاده قرارداده تقدیر میکنند.
سالها قبل شاهد بودم که جناب محقق از سیاست تضرع دولت در مقابل انتحارگران سخت انتقاد میکرد و میگفت که این راه به ترکستان است . سیاست تضرع دشمن را وحشی ترو انتحارگران را بی باک تر میسازد .
کسانیکه با درنظر داشت پایگاه قومی و زبانی خویش محوریت برای دیگران واقع میشدند، چنان در اوهام، تجمل پرستی، فساد، ثروت اندوزی، طبیله سازی، بودنه بازی اسپ دوانی مصرف اند که خیال میکنی هیچ درد مشترک با مردم ندارند. دیگران در فکر اعتلای کشور و مردم خود اند اما از ما در فکر آخور مرکب اسپ خود اند.
ای کاش ماهم فردی میداشتیم که درشرایط حاضر واقعا برای مردم خود حرف میزد از میان مردم و از دریچه مردم با آنها صحبت میکرد نه اینکه از صالون های مفشن و پرزرق و برق قصرها بلند منزل ها برای فریب اذهان عامه یک چند کلمه چرند بی محتوا را برضد دولت حواله میگرد اما درباطن بر همان میسر روان میبود.
من منحیث یک فردی که ساکن ولایت پنچشیر ام ودرد رنج مردم کشور و خاصتاً مردم زادگاهم را با گوشت و پوست احساس میکنم از وجود افرادی مانند مارشال، قانونی، احمد ضیاء و... شرم میکنم که درفکر زراندوزی، و معامله گری های سیاسی و شخصی اند. مردم را در درگروگان خود گرفته ودر شرایط خاص از آنها برای تقویت زر و زور و معامله گری های سیاسی خود سوء استفاده میکنن. زمانیکه پایه های قدرت و ثروت شان محکم شد مردم را به کلی فراموش میکنند و در فکر بلند منزل، مارکیت، طبیله سازی شهرک سازی میشوند.
ناکامی ها ضعف های ما در بخش های آموزشی، سیاسی، اجتماعی ناشی از عدم نبود یک مرد اندیشه و متعهد به آرمانهای مردم است. دیگران از فرصت طلایی پیش آمده به سود مردم خود استفاده میکنند اما مارشال صاحب در چوکی معاون ریس جمهور نشسته در فکر زراندوزی مارکیت سازی دام پروری باغ وحش سازی خود است.
ایشان مانند یک عده از مردم که خوش دارند به هروسیله ای که شده حتی با پول صد در صد حرام به حج بروند تامردم ایشان را «حاجی صاحب» صدا زنند، مارشال صاحب هم خوش اند که دررسانه ها به نام «مارشال» خطاب شوند و ازشیندن نام مارشال لذت ببرند. در حالیکه در این لذت کاذب میان تهی سراسر زلت زبونی خوابیده است که خودش از آن نیز بی خبر است.
من منحیث یک باشنده ولایت پنجشیر به محقق فخر میکنم که با مردم دروغ نمی گوید و صاف پوست کنده صحبت میکند و از وجود مارشال سخت شرمسارم که در اوضاع و احوال فوق العاده بحرانی و حساس کشور به طبیله می اندیشد و دنباله رو قبیله شده است. طبیله و قبیله فضای را برای این مرد بی لیاقت آماده ساخته که همه آرمان ها و آرزوهای مردم راقربانی طبیله اسپ های خود نماید و دنباله روسیاست قبیلوی کرزی باشد.
در وضیعت پیش آمده کنونی پشتون ها درفکر تخریت مکتب مدرسه آدمکشی و تخریت کشور اند، تاجک ها در گرداب جهل فقر و اعتیاد به مواد مخدره بسر میبرند دراین میان هزاره ها بیشترین استفاده را تصیب شده اند. همه در فکر آموختن علم و دانش اند. بیشترین جوانانی که برای تحصیل به هندوستان در رشته های حقوق، اقتصاد مصروف تحصیل اند از قوم هزاره اند. که بنده هم برای این جوانان و مسوولین این برنامه موفقیت بیشتر خواهانم.
فراخوانی که من برای مردم عذاب دیده به ویژه زادگاهم پنجشیر دارم این است که همه بزرگان با یک صدا نزد جناب مارشال رفته ایشان را متوجه مسوولیت عظیمی که دارند بسازند. این مرد را از دام طبیله و قبیله نجات دهند، فکر محدود آخور را از سرش دور کنند. حد اقل اگر به وسعت کشور نمی اندیشند به اندازه زادگاه خود فکر کنند که درد استخوان سوزجهل،بی کاری و اعتیاد به مواد مخدره گلوی تمام جوانان پنچیشر را میفشارد. عزت را نباید در پیشانی اسپ جستجو کرد این نهایت سخافت و کم عقلی یک سیاست مدار است .سیاست زده گی و ثروت زده گی نشان یک آدم متعهد و مسوول را از مارشال ستانده است. یگانه چیزی که میتواند احیاء کننده همه ارزش های متعالی یک مسوول دولتی باشد همان اتخاذ یک سیاست روشمند معقول، وایجاد زمینه های فرهنگ سازی و علم پروری در میان مردم است و بس.
Jawedan
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